BX  4917  . 

S38 

1915 

Schwarze, 

William 

Nathanie: 

1875-1948. 

i 

John  Hus , 

the 

martyr 

of    ' 

Rohom-i  ^ 

John    Hus    in    the 
Prague.      (Ad. 


Pulpit    of    Bethlehem    Chapel. 
Liebscher.)   See  page  34 


v^ 


JOHN  HU 


MAY    5  19] 


/i-^ 


^lUl  %'^ 


The  Martyr  of  Bohemia 

A  Study  of  the  Dawn  of  Protestantism 


V      By 

W.  N.  SCHWARZE,  Ph.  D. 

Professor  of  Church  History  in  the  Moravian 

College  and  Theological  Seminary 

Bethlehem^  Pa. 


ILLUSTRATED 


New  York  Chicago  Toronto 

Fleming    H.     Revcll    Company 


London 


AND 


Edi nburg  h 


Copyright,  19 15,  by 
FLEMING  H.  REVELL  COMPANY 


New  York:  158  Fifth  Avenue 
Chicago:  125  No.  Wabash  Ave. 
Toronto:  25  Richmond  Street,  W. 
London:  21  Paternoster  Square 
Edinburgh:     100    Princes    Street 


Foreword 

MANY  volumes  have  been  written  on  the  life  and 
times  of  John  Hus.  They  deal  with  various 
phases  of  the  activity  of  the  Bohemian  Re- 
former and  the  conditions  of  his  day.  Not  a  few  of  them 
are  exhaustive  treatises  that  have  brought  to  light  a  mass 
of  valuable  detail  found  in  a  variety  of  documentary 
sources.  They  give  more  clear  and  distinct  outline  to  the 
person  of  John  Hus  and  make  possible  a  more  just  esti- 
mate of  his  activity.  All  Hus  literature  is  invested  with 
new  interest,  in  view  of  the  five  hundredth  anniversary 
of  the  martyr  death  of  this  reformer  on  July  6,  1415. 
Arrangements  are  being  very  generally  made  to  signalize 
that  occasion  with  worthy  observance.  Hence,  the  call 
for  a  book  that,  written  concisely  and  in  popular  style, 
will  give  the  general  reader  or  the  member  of  study  class 
or  group  a  clear  conception  of  the  life  and  ministry  of 
Hus  and  the  great  issues  with  which  his  life-work  was 
bound  up. 

In  these  pages  the  attempt  is  made  to  sketch  briefly  the 
life,  character  and  work  of  the  Martyr  of  Bohemia,  as 
these  appear  to  be  related  to  the  significant  ideas  and 
tendencies  of  his  day.  I  have  endeavoured  to  write  with 
historical  accuracy,  yet  without  suppressing  judgment  of 
the  facts  presented  concerning  the  careers  and  proceedings 
of  the  characters  and  councils  that  are  passed  in  review. 
In  working  out  the  narrative  on  this  plan,  I  have  con- 
sulted all  the  best  known  authorities  on  the  subject  as 
well  as  various  volumes  dealing  with  conditions  and 
events  connected  with  the  subject.     Most  useful  among 

5 


6  FOREWORD 

the  authorities  studied  have  been  the  following;  *'Ge- 
sehichte  von  Bohmen,''  F.  Palacky ;  ^^  The  Life  and  Times 
of  John  Hus,"  E.  H.  Gillett ;  *^The  Life  and  Times  of 
Master  John  Hus,"  Count  Liitzow  ;  "  Bohemia,"  Count 
Liitzow  ;  *'The  Letters  of  John  Hus,"  Herbert  E.  Work- 
man and  A.  Martin  Pope;  '' Heroes  of  Bohemia,"  John 
W.  Mears  ;  "  History  of  the  XJnitas  Fratrum,"  Edmund 
de  Schweinitz  j  '*  A  History  of  the  Moravian  Church," 
J.  E.  Hutton. 

I  am  indebted  to  the  Rev.  A.  D.  Thaeler,  of  Bethlehem, 
Penna.,  for  collecting  and  arranging  the  illustrations,  to 
the  Rev.  John  S.  Romig,  of  Philadelphia,  for  furnishing 
several  of  the  photographs  used,  and  to  both  gentlemen 
for  helpful  suggestions.  The  task  of  preparing  this 
volume  has  been  a  labour  of  love.  If  to  the  view  of  read- 
ers the  figure  of  Hus  shall  appear  more  distinctly  in  the 
perspective  of  history,  if  the  moral  wealth  of  the  Church 
of  all  ages  shall  be  better  appreciated  and  the  debt  of 
later  workers  to  an  earlier  labourer  on  the  rising  temple 
of  God  more  fairly  recognized,  the  effort  will  be  amply 
rewarded. 

W.  N.  SCHWAEZE. 

Bethlehem^  Pa, 


Contents 

I.  The  Home  and  Times  of  John  Hus  .        .      1 1 

II.  The  Youth  and  Early  Work  of  Hus       .       27 

III.  The   Period  of  Strife  :    Hus  and  the 

Archbishop 45 

TV.        The   Period  of  Strife:    Hus  and  the 

Pope 63 

.V.         Hus  IN  Exile 79 

VI.  Hus  AT  Constance 99 

VII.  Trial  and  Death  of  Hus  .        .        .        .119 

VIII.  The  Influence  OF  Hus      .        .        .        .137 


Illustrations 

Facing  Page 

John  Hus  in  the  Pulpit  of  Betpilehem  Chapel, 

Prague Title 

The  Thein  Church 22 

John  Hus 22 

Entrance  to  University  of  Pkague        ...  30 

John  Hus  as  Rector  of  the  University         .        .  30 

Bethlehem  Square,  Site  of  Bethlehem  Chapel    .  34 

House  Containing  Ancient   Doorway  of  Hus's 

Residence 34 

HUSINEC 80 

Birthplace  of  John  Hus 80 

Merchant's  Exchange,  Official   Meeting-Place 

OF  THE  Council  of  Constance    .        .        .        .100 

City  of  Constance,  Showing  Cathedral         .        .104 

Lodgings  of  Hus,  Constance,  on  Hus  Street       .    104 

''Hus  Tower,"  in  Dominican  Monastery      .        .116 

Castle  Gottlieben,  on  the  Rhine    .        .        .        .116 

Interior  of  Cathedral,  Constance         .        .        .130 

Condemnation  of  Hus  (Brozik)        .        .        .        .130 

Procession  to  the  Bruhl 134 

Memorial  Stone 134 

9 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS 

BOHEMIA.  Bohemia  was  the  home  of  John  Hus 
aud  the  scene  of  his  labours.  It  is  one  of  the  small- 
est of  the  famous  countries  of  the  world.  Embrac- 
ing an  area  of  twenty  thousand  square  miles,  it  is  no  larger 
than  the  two  states  of  New  Hampshire  aud  Vermont  com- 
bined. It  enjoys,  however,  a  situation  that  has  always 
been  favourable  to  self-development  and  the  wielding  of 
influence,  for  Bohemia  lies  diamond-shaped  in  the  heart  of 
Europe.  Its  boundaries  are  defended  by  mountain  ram- 
parts and  the  angles  of  the  gigantic  diagram,  directed  to 
the  four  points  of  the  compass,  are  protected  by  rocky 
bastions.  The  position  of  the  country  is,  therefore,  cen- 
tral and  separate.  Bohemia  forms  a  continent  within 
the  continent  of  Europe,  as  Goethe  has  well  expressed  it. 
Thus  centrally  located,  like  a  natural  fortress,  this  land 
has  been  styled  by  military  authorities  the  ^'key"  to 
modern  Europe.  Field  of  many  battles,  it  was  the 
centre  of  the  terrible  and  lurid  tragedy  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  War,  and  it  has  supplied  from  among  native  sons 
not  a  few  great  warriors.  Holding  strategic  position,  it 
goes  with  the  saying  of  it,  that  historically,  also,  the 
country  is  of  importance.  It  has  a  record  of  much  past 
greatness.  It  has  been  convulsed  by  questions  of  its  own 
raising.  And,  what  is  of  special  interest  to  the  present 
consideration,  it  anticipated  by  a  century  of  brave  strug- 
gle the  general  Reformation  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

11 


12  JOHN  HUS 

Resources  of  Bohemia.  Bohemia  is  a  land  of  charm 
and  of  plenty.  In  this  little  country  every  variety  of 
scenery,  almost  every  geological  formation  and  every 
mineral,  except  salt  and  platinum,  can  be  found.  Pre- 
cious stones  are  among  its  treasures,  notably,  fine  opals. 
Mineral  springs  abound.  The  fame  of  Carlsbad  and 
Marienbad  is  spread  over  the  world.  Copious  streams, 
flowing  down  from  the  mountains,  carry  fertility  and 
freshness  to  every  part  of  the  land.  The  meadows  are 
rich  and  the  fields  fruitful.  Sheltered  by  the  mountain 
ranges,  the  climate  is  genial.  While  separated  from 
neighbouring  lands  by  the  chains  of  mountains,  the  coun- 
try is  not  isolated.  By  means  of  the  Eiver  Elbe,  which 
makes  its  way  out  of  Bohemia  through  a  rugged  gorge  on 
the  Saxon  frontier  and  thence  flows  to  the  German  Ocean, 
Bohemia  is  connected  directly  with  the  great  cities  and 
powers  outside.  Through  this  great  artery  of  European 
commerce,  the  country  has  been  accessible  to  all  that  was 
useful  and  improving.  Yet  its  own  resources  have  always 
been  sufficient  to  stimulate  industry  and  independence. 
And  it  has  been  so  far  secluded  by  nature  as  to  encourage 
the  patriotic  efi'ort  to  maintain  and  cherish  its  own 
proper  character,  customs  and  institutions. 

People  of  Bohemia.  Various  peoples  have  inhabited 
fair  Bohemia.  Eecent  researches  show  it  to  be  probable 
that,  at  least,  part  of  the  country  supported  a  Slavic 
population  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era 
or  even  for  several  centuries  before  that  time.  Other 
early  inhabitants  were  different  tribes  of  Celtic  or  Teutonic 
stock.  Prominent  among  these  were  the  Boii,  or  '^  the 
terrible  ones,"  from  whom  the  country  received  its  name. 
About  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  there  came  from 
eastern  Europe  into  Bohemia  the  Czechs,  a  vigorous  and 
high-minded  people,   the  most  gifted  of   the  Slavonic 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS     13 

tribes.  They  proved  to  be  the  permanent  settlers.  Eem- 
nants  of  earlier  peoples  they  either  dispossessed  or  sub- 
dued. Of  their  early  history  we  know  little.  Their 
social  and  political  institutions  and  customs  were  of  the 
most  pri  miti ve  nature.  Their  religious  ideas  are  shrouded 
in  obscurity.  From  their  later  history  it  appears  that  they 
had  the  true  Slavonic  nature,  which  is  like  the  Celtic 
represented  in  our  day  by  the  Irish.  They  had  fiery 
Slavonic  blood  in  their  veins.  They  were  capable  of 
great  outbursts  of  enthusiasm  and  violent  quarrels  and 
disputatious.  They  had  all  the  dash,  zeal  and  imagina- 
tion characteristic  of  the  Slavonic  peoples.  They  were 
easy  to  stir,  swift  to  act,  witty  in  speech,  mystic  and 
poetic  in  soul.  Like  the  Irish  of  to-day,  they  revelled  in 
the  joy  and  fascination  of  party  politics.  Into  the  dis- 
cussion of  religious  questions  they  entered  with  the  keen- 
est zest.  For  this  combination  of  qualities  they  have  been 
by  some  greatly  praised,  by  others  as  heartily  denounced. 
These  racial  characteristics  were  intensified  and,  at  the 
same  time,  the  national  spirit  and  feeling  of  the  Czechs 
were  strengthened  when  rival  settlers  came  into  the 
country.  By  consulting  a  map  of  Europe  it  will  be  seen 
that  Bohemia  is  almost  surrounded  by  German  speaking 
states.  It  was  only  natural,  therefore,  that  Germans 
should,  sooner  or  later,  press  into  the  country.  They 
began  to  intrude  upon  the  Czechs  in  the  sixth  and  seventh 
centuries.  As  they  acquired  influence  and  power,  strug- 
gles, on  a  greater  or  smaller  scale,  ensued  and  continued 
to  occur  on  all  sorts  of  issues.  Indeed,  many  of  the  re- 
ligious conflicts  of  later  days  were  mixed  with  and 
embittered  by  these  national  feuds.  To  the  present  day 
Czechs  and  Germans  make  up  the  population  of  Bohemia, 
in  the  proportion  of  two-thirds  and  one-third,  respectively. 
They  have  not  yet  learned  to  dwell  together  in  perfect 
peace  and  harmony. 


14  JOHN  HUS 

Czechs  and  Fourteenth  Century  Movements  in 
Europe.  A  people  as  susceptible  as  were  the  Czechs  and 
as  centrally  located  as  they  happened  to  be  in  Bohemia 
would  be  strongly  affected  by  any  noteworthy  influences 
that  might  be  stirring  in  the  great  world  about  them. 
Now  with  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century,  signs 
began  to  appear  that  the  medieval  Eomish  Church  system 
was  breaking  up.  It  had  held  the  human  mind  bound 
in  fetters  for  ages.  Various  causes  were  operating  in  the 
direction  of  its  overthrow.  These  consisted  in  significant 
movements  and  ideas  that  had  been  taking  shape  and 
gathering  force  for  some  time.  Hostility  towards  the 
Eomish  Church  had  begun  with  the  prosperity  of  that 
church.  The  suffering  early  Church  had  given  to  hu- 
manity, in  the  Christian  martyrs,  some  of  the  noblest 
types  of  confessors  and  witnesses.  When  the  Emperor 
Constantine,  in  the  fourth  century,  granted  great  au- 
thority and  riches  to  the  Church,  a  sudden  change  took 
place.  The  contrast  between  the  martyrs  of  the  year 
313  A.  D.  and  the  wealthy,  worldly  bishops  of  a  great 
Church  Council  that  met  a  dozen  years  later  impressed 
thoughtful  and  devout  people  disagreeably.  That  im- 
pression was  deepened  to  steady  and  determined  opposi- 
tion as  the  power  of  the  Church  constantly  increased  and 
the  idea  was  emphasized  that  a  priest,  in  virtue  of  his 
office,  is  superior  to  a  layman.  The  barrier  between  the 
clergy  and  the  laity  was  built  up  by  the  practice  of  with- 
holding the  cup  from  the  laymen  in  the  Holy  Communion, 
by  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  and  by  the  assumption  that 
the  authorities  of  the  Church,  as  represented  in  the 
Eomish  hierarchy  or  in  the  Council,  had  the  power  to 
force  doctrines  of  their  own  creation  on  the  Church. 

All  this  roused  protest.  And  the  protest  ripened  to 
deadly  animosity  when  the  clergy,  in  spite  of  their 
claims,   became  corrupt,  indolent,  ignorant  and  ineffi- 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS    15 

cient.  At  the  time  of  which  we  write  the  evils  and  cor- 
ruptiou  of  the  Church  reached  their  very  worst  stage 
when  there  occurred  what  is  known  as  the  schism  in  the 
popedom.  Two  men  were,  at  the  same  time,  each  claim- 
ing to  be  the  true  pope.  One  had  his  court  at  Avignon, 
in  France,  the  other  at  Eome.  The  excitement  at  this 
schism  was  intense  throughout  all  Christendom.  The 
minds  of  men  were  completely  unsettled  at  the  unseemly 
spectacle  of  shameful  rivalry  in  the  highest  office  in  the 
Church.  Each  pope  claimed  to  be  the  true  representa- 
tive of  Christ  on  earth.  Each  had  powerful  and  enthusi- 
astic followers.  Each  hurled  terrible  curses  at  the  head 
of  the  other.  Each  styled  the  other  a  son  of  Belial  and 
described  him  as  a  heretic,  a  thief,  a  despot,  a  traitor. 
And  the  pity  of  it  was  that  they  were  not  far  wrong  in 
what  they  said  about  each  other. 

As  a  result  of  the  claims  and  the  degeneracy  of  the 
clergy,  the  Church  had  lost  her  hold  upon  the  affections 
of  the  people  and  her  power  to  foster  living  faith.  Ser- 
mons that  the  people  could  understand  were  rare.  The 
Bible  was  known  to  few.  Services  that  were  held  in  par- 
ish churches  had,  in  too  many  instances,  become  mere 
senseless  shows.  Most  of  the  clergy  never  preached  at 
all  and  they  were  no  longer  examples  to  their  flocks. 
They  hunted,  they  gambled,  they  caroused.  It  is  no 
wonder  that,  for  some  centuries  preceding  the  fourteenth, 
men  had  been  losing  faith  in  almost  everything  but  ma- 
terial force.  The  empire  had  been  built  up  and  main- 
tained by  force.  Soldiers  of  fortune  had,  again  and  again, 
settled  national  disputes.  The  appeal  to  the  sword  and 
the  right  of  the  strongest  had  supplanted  every  other. 
Even  the  popes  had  shown  more  faith  in  the  temporal 
sword,  which  they  employed  constantly,  than  in  their 
own  edicts  and  decrees.  Amid  the  clash  of  arms  other 
voices  were  drowned.     Of  course,  a  reaction  was  bound 


16  JOHN  HUS 

to  set  in.  It  slowly  gained  streugtli,  sometimes  iu  silence 
and  again  amid  the  noise  of  storms,  until  at  last  it  burst 
forth  as  an  overwhelming  flood.  Men  began  to  think  for 
themselves  and  not  as  the  Church  commanded.  The  time 
had  come  when  the  force  of  free  religious  thought  was  to 
be  manifested  on  a  broader  scale  and  more  conspicuously 
than  ever  before.  A  noteworthy  writer,  Marsiglio  of 
Padua,  in  his  "Defensor  Pacis,"  defined  the  Church  as 
being  the  community  of  all  who  believe  in  Christ,  be  they 
priests  or  laymen.  That  was  a  very  revolutionary  con- 
ception for  the  times.  An  issue  was  drawn  which  still 
separates  Protestantism  from  Eomanism.  The  authority 
of  the  Bible  as  the  standard  and  norm  of  faith  was  set  up 
against  the  claim  of  the  Church  to  promulgate  doctrines 
of  her  own  creation. 

Moreover,  the  empire  of  ideas  was  notably  enlarged. 
Very  generally,  when  men  contend  for  freedom  of  relig- 
ious thought,  they,  also,  fight  for  liberty  of  conscience 
and  civil  liberty.  The  period  under  consideration  was  no 
exception  to  the  rule.  Superficial  observers  might  look 
with  contempt  on  the  utterances  and  writings  of  obscure 
preachers  and  authors  on  these  subjects.  They  might 
look  to  the  leaders  of  armies  to  deal  with  the  agitation 
that  was  unsettling  all  religious  and  civil  and  social  insti- 
tutions and  customs.  Vain  alike  their  scoffing  and  their 
expectation.  It  was  soon  to  become  clear  that  on  the 
chess-board  of  European  history  monarchs  might  be 
merely  pawns,  while  the  real  kings  were  the  men  of 
thought,  the  scholars,  the  scientists,  the  patriotic  lead- 
ers, the  theologians,  the  reformers.  One  of  the  many 
great  ideas  these  men  urged  was  that  there  should  be  a 
return  to  the  simplicity  of  the  primitive  Church. 

Czechs  Receptive  Because  of  Their  Religious 
History.    For  such   ideas  and  contentions  that  were 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS    17 

abroad  the  Bohemians  were  peculiarly  receptive.  Their 
whole  experience  and  history  as  a  nation  had  prepared 
them  so  to  be.  As  stated  above,  little  is  known  of  the 
early  history  of  the  Czechs  after  their  settlement  in  Bo- 
hemia. From  the  ninth  century  onward  more  is  recorded 
of  them.  In  that  period  ^the  light  of  the  Gospel  shone 
into  the  darkness  of  superstition  that  covered  them.  For 
the  missionary  interest  of  Christianity  reached  out  to 
Bohemia  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century.  It  pro- 
ceeded from  both  the  Roman  and  the  Greek  Churches,  a 
little  earlier  from  the  former  but  with  much  more  vigor- 
ous expression  from  the  latter.  As  the  Christianizing 
effort  of  the  Eoman  Church  was  introduced  through  the 
agency  of  the  Germans,  it  was  not  likely  to  gain  many 
adherents,  because  the  Christian  faith  was  by  the  Bo- 
hemians connected  with  the  hostile  German  race.  But 
when  a  Christian  prince  of  Bohemia  sent  messengers  to 
the  Greek  Emperor  at  Constantinople,  asking  that  he 
send  Christian  teachers  of  the  Slavonic  race  to  Bohemia, 
and  when  that  appeal  met  with  prompt  response,  then 
Christianity  completely  and  permanently  penetrated  the 
country.  The  brothers  Cyrill  (also  known  as  Constantine) 
and  Methodius  were  the  missionaries  that  came.  They 
were  men  of  extraordinary  ability  and  considerable  ex- 
perience. They  had  in  their  youth  turned  their  backs 
on  tempting  worldly  prospects.  Before  coming  to  Bo- 
hemia they  had  gained  noteworthy  missionary  successes  in 
Bulgaria  and  elsewhere.  Their  methods  were  calculated 
to  open  a  way  for  the  Gospel  into  the  hearts  of  the  Czechs. 
They  translated  the  Scriptures  into  their  language,  for 
which  they  had  invented  an  alphabet.  A  marked  feature 
of  their  work  was  the  use  of  the  language  of  the  people, 
not  only  in  giving  instruction  but,  also,  in  public  wor- 
ship. Establishing  many  churches,  they  built  up  a 
church  organization  in  which  the  Czechs  felt  at  home. 


18  JOHN  HUS 

Thus  was  laid  the  foundation  of  that  national  church 
feeling  and  the  liberal  principles  which  thenceforward 
distinguished  the  Bohemians  and  Moravians— the  Czechs 
had  also  occupied  the  small  margraviate  of  Moravia  to 
the  southeast  of  Bohemia.  They  were  animated  by  a 
spirit  akin  to  that  which  later  manifested  itself  as  Prot- 
estantism. 

Eoman  popes  were  not  indifferent  to  these  develop- 
ments. On  the  ground  of  the  prior  claims  of  the  Eoman 
Church,  they  used  every  means  at  their  command  to 
bring  the  church  of  Bohemia  and  Moravia  under  their 
control.  Towards  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century, 
when  their  power  was  increasing  all  over  Europe,  their 
scheming  and  zealotry  were  crowned  with  success.  Bo- 
hemia and  Moravia  became  subject  to  the  Eoman  See. 
Gradually  the  Slavonic  ritual  fell  into  disuse.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  people  was  no  longer  employed  in  public 
worship.  The  prejudices  of  the  period  demanded  that 
the  Latin  language  and  the  Eoman  ritual  should  be  ex- 
clusively used.  But  the  impression  left  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  in  favour  of  the  use  of  the  popular  language 
for  religious  purposes  was  never  wiped  out.  That  im- 
pression with  the  characteristic  tenacity  of  the  Bohemians 
was  kept  alive  through  two  centuries.  The  hearts  of  the 
people  clung  to  the  customs  of  the  fathers.  All  the  more 
did  they  do  so,  because  Eome  forced  upon  them  its  fully 
developed  priestly  system.  This,  by  requiring  the  cel- 
ibacy of  the  clergy,  denying  the  cup  in  Holy  Communion 
to  the  laity  and  insisting  upon  the  idea  that  the  priests 
were  necessary  mediators  between  God  and  the  people, 
established  the  clergy  as  a  caste  apart  from  the  laity. 
The  people,  more  or  less  clearly,  resented  the  idea  that 
they  could  not  come  into  contact  with  God  without  the 
aid  of  the  priests.  They  cultivated  a  fervent  devotion  to 
the  cup.     For  this  they  have  sometimes  been  misunder- 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS    19 

stood  and  ridiculed.  A  great  and  true  idea  was  involved. 
For  them  the  cup  was  the  emblem,  signifying  the  equality 
of  all  true  Christians.  Such  a  religious  history  supplies 
various  reasons  why  the  general  opposition  to  the  papacy, 
caused  by  the  awful  schism  and  the  scandalous  conduct 
of  the  clergy,  was  stronger  in  Bohemia  than  elsewhere 
and  in  that  country  had  earlier  and  weighty  results.  It 
seemed  only  to  wait  for  a  suitable  moment  and  a  brave 
leader  to  break  out  into  open  rebellion. 

Czechs  Prepared  by  Their  National  Spirit  for  New 
Ideas.  The  same  influences  that  tended  to  counteract 
the  grasping  and  domineering  policy  of  Rome  nurtured 
the  national  and  patriotic  spirit.  As  indicated  above, 
this  had  been  fostered  in  other  ways  for  a  long  time. 
Now,  in  the  period  immediately  preceding  the  entrance 
of  Hus  upon  his  public  career,  it  gained  a  remarkable 
development.  It  reacted  powerfully  on  the  Eomish 
practices  and  in  its  own  way  prompted  the  people  to  an 
eager  welcome  of  the  great  new  ideas  that  were  abroad. 
What  these  promised  would  be  peculiarly  grateful  and 
attractive  to  any  people  who  were  animated  by  a  strong 
national  and  patriotic  spirit. 

Czechs  Prepared  Intellectually  for  the  New  Ideas. 
In  still  another  way  the  Czechs  were  prepared  for  ap- 
preciation of  and  participation  in  the  great  intellectual 
and  religious  movements  of  the  time.  The  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century  brought  to  the  throne  of  Bohemia 
King  Charles,  who,  a  little  later,  became  the  Emperor 
Charles  IV  of  the  German  empire.  However  unequal  he 
may  have  been  to  his  imperial  position,  Bohemia  he 
loved  and  made  the  object  of  his  constant  care.  Under 
his  guidance  it  entered  a  golden  age.  Agricultural  and 
commercial  prosperity  was  furthered.     Justice  was  faith- 


20  JOHN  HUS 

fully  administered.  Industry  was  developed  and  the 
manufacture  of  the  beautiful  Bohemian  glass  begun.  But 
above  and  beyond  all  these  features  of  his  reign,  one  of 
his  undertakings  was  particularly  important  to  the  pres- 
ent consideration,  viz.,  the  establishment  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Prague,  in  1348.  This  was  the  first  university  of 
the  German  empire  and  the  only  one  for  half  a  century. 
So  great  a  success  was  this  institution,  that  as  many  as 
seven  thousand  students  were  in  attendance  at  one  time. 
So  fine  was  its  scholastic  character  and  influence,  that  it 
shared  with  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Paris  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  one  of  the  most  illustrious  seats  of  learn- 
ing in  Europe.  Scholars  of  all  countries  were  invited  to 
come  to  it.  Thousands  of  native  sons  improved  the  op- 
portunities afforded  by  it.  So  powerful  was  its  influence 
in  wakening  the  intellectual  life  of  the  people,  that,  with 
the  other  favouring  conditions  of  the  time  working  in 
the  same  direction,  it  placed  Bohemia  in  advance  of  the 
surrounding  nations  in  literary  and  industrial  activity. 

New  Ideas  Come  to  Expression  in  Bohemia.  The 
ideas  that  had  thus  grown  upon  Bohemia  and  those  that  had 
been  imported  from  abroad  and  had  here  ripened  to  defi- 
niteness  more  quickly  than  elsewhere  soon  came  to  vigor- 
ous expression.  Men  of  sagacity,  eloquence  and  daring 
zeal  arose,  preachers  of  righteousness  gave  voice  to  what 
was  generally  felt.  They  began  to  point  the  direction  into 
which  the  sentiments  and  efforts  of  the  people  should  be 
turned.  They  anticipated  Hus  in  the  utterance  of  views 
of  Scriptural  reform.  They  are  known  as  his  forerunners. 
They  encouraged  the  people  in  the  disposition  to  work 
for  reform.  They  were  champions  of  the  truth.  And 
they  proved  to  be  the  heralds  of  the  reformer,  through 
whom  the  intellectual  and  religious  movement  in  Bo- 
hemia of  the   fourteenth  century  was  turned  into  the 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS    21 

channel  of  a  national  reformation.     Several  of  them  are 
worthy  of  special  notice. 

Conrad  Waldhauser.  The  first  of  these,  interestingly 
enough,  was  a  German,  Conrad  Waldhauser.  He  came 
to  Bohemia  from  Vienna,  upon  the  invitation  of  the  Em- 
peror Charles.  The  latter,  always  mindful  of  the  welfare 
of  his  peoi^le  in  Bohemia  and  distressed  by  the  state  of 
the  Boliemian  clergy,  had  heard  of  Waldhauser' s  success 
in  Vienna,  and  forthwith  urged  him  to  come  to  Prague. 
This  man's  eyes  had  been  opened  while  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  Eome.  He  returned  thence  a  zealous  preacher  of  re- 
pentance. In  Prague  his  eloquent  sermons  produced  a 
deep  impression.  His  congregations  grew  so  large  that 
no  building  could  hold  them  and  they  were  forced  to  as- 
semble in  a  market-place.  He  was  appointed  rector  of 
the  Thein  Church,  next  to  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Vitus,  the 
largest  and  most  important  in  Prague.  The  results  of 
his  calm,  clear,  forceful  preaching  were  wonderful.  In 
the  hearts  of  many  of  his  hearers  radical  changes  were 
effected.  A  notorious  usurer  returned  his  ill-earned 
gains.  The  women  of  Prague,  struck  by  his  denuncia- 
tion of  luxury  and  vanity,  discarded  their  fine  clothing 
and  jewelry  and  adopted  a  plainer  and  more  modest 
dress.  Certain  well-known  sinners  were  induced  to  come 
and  do  penance  in  public.  Many  Jews  even  were  his 
ready  hearers.  With  the  monks  he  soon  came  into  con- 
flict. He  upbraided  them  for  their  avarice,  dishonesty  and 
other  vices.  They  turned  hotly  against  him.  But  their 
plots  failed  and  their  accusations  collapsed  before  the 
purity  of  his  life.  The  state  of  Prague  became  like  that 
of  a  modern  town  during  an  effective  revival  meeting. 
And  we  here  meet,  for  the  first  time,  with  one  of  those 
outbreaks  of  religious  enthusiasm  that  are  henceforth  so 
frequent  in  the  annals  of  Prague. 


23  JOHN  HUS 

Milic  of  Kremsier.  Among  those  who  listened  to 
"Waldhauser^s  sermons  was  a  young  priest,  who  was  des- 
tined to  become  his  successor  in  the  arduous  path  of 
church-reform.  This  was  Milic  of  Kremsier,  whose 
truly  Christlike  nature  caused  him  to  be  revered  as  a 
saint  even  during  his  lifetime.  Early  in  life  he  showed 
that  great  capacity  for  work  and  study  that  is  character- 
istic of  his  entire  career.  He  devoted  much  time  to  the 
study  of  the  Scriptures.  Indeed,  this  devotion  to  the 
Bible  may  be  considered  as  generally  characteristic  of  the 
Bohemian  church-reformers.  A  man  of  marked  ability, 
he  seemed  singled  out  for  a  career  of  popularity  and  pro- 
motion in  the  church.  But  from  conscientious  motives 
he  suddenly  renounced  his  honors  and  dignities,  intend- 
ing to  live  in  complete  poverty  and  for  the  one  purpose 
of  preaching  the  Gospel.  He  held  to  his  determination. 
As  he  had  been  born  in  Moravia,  he  spoke  the  language 
of  the  country.  He  acquired,  also,  a  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  German  and  Latin.  Using  all  these  languages, 
his  preaching  exerted  wider  influence  than  had  that  of 
Waldhauser,  whom  towards  the  end  of  his  life  he  suc- 
ceeded as  rector  of  the  Thein  Church.  The  corruption 
of  the  times  seems  to  have  inspired  him  with  the  idea  that 
the  end  of  the  world  was  near  and  that  Antichrist  would 
soon  appear.  As  his  denunciations  of  evils  were  bold  and 
terrific,  the  monks  were  only  too  glad  to  seize  on  what 
were  considered  his  errors  of  teaching.  Yet  they  did  not 
prevail  against  him,  so  great  an  affection  did  the  people 
cherish  for  him  and  so  deeply  were  all  thoughtful  people 
impressed  with  his  sincerity. 

After  a  visit  which  he  paid  to  Eome,  he  laid  less  stress 
on  his  peculiar  views  concerning  Antichrist,  but  his  zeal 
for  the  reform  of  the  Church  became  even  greater.  Not 
content  with  preaching  himself,  he  wished  to  train  others 
for  the  work.     He  established  a  kind  of  school  of  the 


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THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS    23 

prophets.  Two  or  three  hundred  youDg  men  submitted 
themselves  to  his  instruction  and  training.  He  copied 
books  for  them  to  study  and  engaged  them  to  multiply 
his  copies,  his  aim  being  to  extend  the  circulation  of  de- 
votional and  instructive  books.  His  influence,  exerted 
directly  or  through  his  pupils,  was  extensive.  His  activ- 
ity had  both  its  positive  and  its  negative  side.  He  pro- 
tested against  the  worship  of  pictures  and  the  idolatry 
practiced  with  relics ;  he,  also,  drew  up  forms  of  prayer 
for  worship  in  the  native  language — these  prayers  were 
widely  adopted.  He  denounced  the  vices  of  the  time  ; 
he,  also,  raised  the  fallen  and  started  many  wretched 
sinners  on  the  pathway  of  honest,  useful  living.  This 
brief  outline  of  his  life  and  labours  may  close  with  an  es- 
timate given  of  him  by  a  famous  Bohemian  historian, 
' '  He  stirred  the  spirit  of  the  people  to  its  depths,  and 
first  caused  it  to  rise  to  those  waves  which,  at  a  later 
time  and  with  the  cooperation  of  new  elements,  grew  to 
be  the  billows  of  a  great  storm." 

Thomas  of  Stitny.  Some  of  the  little  band  of  Bo- 
hemian church  reformers  were  laymen.  One  of  these, 
Thomas  of  Stitny,  deserves  to  be  mentioned  as  a  man 
whose  influence  worked  in  a  different  direction.  He  was 
one  of  the  lesser  nobility.  Having  made  the  most  of  his 
course  at  the  university,  he  retired  to  his  father's  castle, 
exchanged  the  sword  for  the  pen  and  published  numerous 
books  and  treatises  for  the  instruction  of  his  family  and 
his  countrymen.  The  ideas  and  theories  which  he  devel- 
oped in  them,  thoroughly  devout  and  Scriptural,  pene- 
trated widely  among  the  nobility  and  landowners  of 
Bohemia,  men  who  afterwards  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  great  struggles  during  and  after  the  lifetime  of  Hus. 
Stitny's  merits  as  a  writer  are  great.  He  was  the  first  to 
employ  the  national  language  as  a  medium  for  the  discus- 


24  JOHN  HUS 

sion  of  theological  and  practical  questions.  In  this 
respect  he  was  a  true  forerunner  of  Hus,  who,  in  addi- 
tion to  his  other  services,  did  much  for  the  development 
of  the  language  of  his  country. 

There  were  other  men,  little  less  conspicuous  in  the 
cause  of  Scriptural  knowledge  and  reform.  Hus  mentions 
to  their  honour  a  half  dozen  of  them  in  one  of  his  ser- 
mons.    We  consider  briefly  but  one  more. 

Matthew  of  Janov.  The  last  and  greatest  of  the  fore- 
runners of  Hus  was  Matthew  of  Janov.  Following  in 
the  footsteps  of  Waldhauser  and  Milic,  he  eventually  took 
position  in  advance  of  them.  Distinguished  for  his 
learning,  which  he  acquired  at  the  Universities  of  Prague 
and  Paris,  as  well  as  for  his  experience  of  bitter  inward 
struggle  before  he  came  to  the  point  of  self-denial,  he 
used  both  his  knowledge  and  his  experience  in  bravely 
promoting  the  truth.  He  was  a  writer  and  not  a  preacher. 
His  special  merit  is  that  as  a  learned  theologian  he  greatly 
influenced  the  masters  of  the  university,  which  soon  after 
the  death  of  Hus  became  supreme  arbitrator  on  religious 
matters  in  Bohemia.  In  his  writings,  Janov  showed  a  re- 
markable familiarity  with  Scripture.  He  rejected  the 
authority  of  human  traditions  and  put  in  their  place  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  divine  word.  He  tried  every- 
thing by  that  test.  Hence,  his  position  was  bold  and 
evangelical.  His  writings  breathed,  also,  gospel  simplic- 
ity and  charity.  He  approached  more  nearly  than  did 
any  of  his  predecessors  to  what  later  became  known  as  the 
Protestant  standpoint.  His  views  of  the  necessity  and 
manner  of  reform  were  correspondingly  clear  and  compre- 
hensive. He  understood  fully  the  difficulties  with  which 
it  would  have  to  contend.  And  he  proposed  to  overcome 
them  by  sound  and  Scriptural  methods.  He  had  lost  his 
faith  in  the  Eomish  Church  and  desired  to  revive  the 


THE  HOME  AND  TIMES  OF  JOHN  HUS    25 

simi)le  Christianity  of  the  apostles.  ' '  I  consider  it  es- 
sential/' he  wrote,  *'  to  root  out  all  weeds,  to  restore  the 
Word  of  God  on  earth,  to  bring  back  the  Church  of 
Christ  to  its  original,  healthy,  condensed  condition,  and 
to  keep  only  such  regulations  as  date  from  the  time  of  the 
apostles."  "All  the  works  of  men,"  he  added,  'Hheir 
ceremonies  and  traditions  shall  soon  be  totally  destroyed  ; 
the  Lord  Jesus  shall  alone  be  exalted  and  His  word  shall 
stand  forever."  The  truths  which  he  set  forth  were  a 
trumpet  blast  that  announced  the  coming  of  a  Keforma- 
tion  and  the  dawn  of  a  new  epoch. 

What  has  been  said  of  these  men  will  suffice  to  show 
that  a  work  had  begun  in  Bohemia  which  could  not 
pause.  Seed  had  been  sown,  truth  had  been  scattered. 
The  new  ideas  that  had  been  thrown  out  were  to  prove  a 
powerful  leaven.  The  eyes  of  men  are  naturally  attracted 
to  any  great  array  of  physical  forces,  to  armies  and  fleets. 
But  it  is  shallow  thinking  that  overlooks  the  influence  of 
the  teachers  of  great  doctrines.  Ideas  are  mightier  than 
swords  or  bayonets. 

Wyclif's  Writings  Come  to  Bohemia.  At  this  time, 
when  the  minds  of  men  in  Bohemia  were  stirred, 
the  writings  of  Wyclif  were  brought  to  Bohemia  and 
added  fuel  to  the  fire.  They  came  through  the  agency  of 
students,  who  in  those  days  were  accustomed  to  pass  from 
one  university  to  the  others,  taking  with  them  whatever 
might  be  of  interest  in  one  institution  to  the  rest.  The 
writings  of  "  The  Morning  Star  of  the  Keformation  " — as 
Wyclif  is  known — came,  also,  through  the  instrumentality 
of  a  Bohemian  princess.  Anne  of  Luxemburg,  daughter 
of  Bohemia's  honoured  King  Charles,  was  married  to 
King  Eichard  II  of  England,  in  1382.  Eeceived  in  Eng- 
land with  magnificent  ceremony  and  festivity,  she  came 
to  be  known  as  Good  Queen  Anne,  by  reason  of  her  many 


26  JOHN  HUS 

excellent  qualities.  She  brought  to  the  land  of  her  adop- 
tion the  liberal  spirit  that  was  abroad  in  her  native  coun- 
try. She  was,  therefore,  prepared  to  receive  and  cherish 
the  Scriptural  teachings  of  Wyclif  and  communicate  them 
to  her  countrymen.  This  reformer  had  asserted  that  the 
pope  was  not  to  be  obeyed  unless  his  commands  agree 
with  the  Scriptures.  He  had  denounced  the  whole 
Catholic  priestly  system  and  attacked  the  errors  of  Eo- 
mish  doctrine. 

Thus  step  by  step  the  way  was  prepared  for  the  coming 
reformation  in  Bohemia.  There  was  strong  patriotic 
feeling,  there  was  dislike  of  foreign  priests,  there  was 
growing  love  for  the  Bible,  there  was  scorn  for  the 
degenerate  clergy,  there  was  great  activity  of  wakened 
minds,  there  was  anxious  inquiry  and  discussion,  there 
was  a  vague  desire  to  return  to  the  simplicity  of  primi- 
tive Christianity.  Now  there  was  needed  a  great  person- 
ality that  could  gather  the  scattered  beams  and  throw 
them  forward  in  a  broad  shaft  of  burning  light.  It  must 
of  necessity  be  one  who  would  be  able  to  think,  able  to 
speak,  able  to  stand  by  conviction.  Such  a  man  was" 
found  in  John  Hus,  the  influence  of  whose  work,  stretch- 
ing noticeably  through  five  centuries  of  national  and  relig- 
ious history,  entitle  him  to  be  regarded  as  the  greatest 
Czech  Bohemia  has  ever  produced. 


II 

THE  YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK  OF  HUS 

GREAT  Qualities  of  Hus.  Hus  possessed  the 
qualities  of  a  great  popular  leader.  Identifying 
himself  with  the  strong  movements  of  the  time, 
his  personality  quickly  forged  to  the  front.  On  the 
great  questions  of  the  time  he  came  to  be  the  representa- 
tive man  of  his  nation.  Through  his  instrumentality,  the 
new  ideas  were  turned  into  the  channel  of  a  national  ref- 
ormation that  preceded,  by  a  whole  century,  the  gen- 
eral Reformation.  His  individuality  was  largely  the 
cause  of  the  momentous  events  that  have  rendered  his 
name  famous.  His  self-renouncement,  the  fearless  cour- 
age with  which  he  met  moral  and  physical  pain  of  every 
kind  for  the  cause  that  he  believed  to  be  of  God,  his  com- 
prehensive learning,  his  enthusiastic  devotion  to  the 
national  interests,  his  striking  and  popular  eloquence 
made  the  way  for  him  to  the  side  of  the  great  celebrities 
of  his  age. 

Youth  of  Hus.  Of  his  youth  little  is  known  ;  of  his 
later  years  we  have  numerous  and  varied  accounts.  It 
cannot  be  stated  positively  in  what  year  Hus  was  born. 
Some  authorities  give  it  as  1369,  others  as  1373.  He  was 
born  in  the  village  of  Husiuec,  near  the  small  town  of 
Prachatice,  in  the  southern  part  of  Bohemia,  close  to  the 
Bavarian  border.  The  place  of  his  birth  is  so  far  deserv- 
ing of  notice,  as  the  racial  strife  which  plays  so  great  a 
part  in  Bohemian  history  always  raged  most  fiercely 
whore  the  domains  of  German  and  Bohemian  meet.     Fur- 

27 


28  JOHN  HUS 

tbermore,  the  future  reformer  took  his  name  from  his 
native  place,  being  known  first  as  John  Hus  of  Husinee, 
later  simply  as  John  Hus.  This  was  in  accordance  with 
the  custom  of  the  times.  Many  of  the  distinguished  con- 
temporaries of  Hus  in  Bohemia,  or  elsewhere,  are  known 
by  the  names  of  the  places  where  they  were  born  or  where 
they  were  educated.  The  family  name  of  Hus  is  not 
known.  His  parents  were  peasants  of  scanty  means. 
They  endeavoured  to  give  John,  who  was  his  mother's 
favourite  son,  a  good  education.  He  had  brothers  and 
sisters.  Nothing  is  known  of  them,  except  that  about 
the  sons  of  a  brother  he  manifested  a  touching  concern 
even  during  the  last  days  of  his  life.  If  we  may  judge  of 
his  home- training  from  the  fruits  it  bore,  it  must  have 
been  characterized  by  affectionate  anxiety  and  a  severe 
purity  of  morals.  Earely  has  a  character  been  subjected 
to  more  severe  or  bitter  scrutiny,  on  the  part  of  friend  or 
foe,  than  was  that  of  Hus  in  later  days.  Yet  in  the  long 
catalogue  of  accusations  brought  against  him  not  one  af- 
fected his  character.  There  is  not  even  a  trace  of  youth- 
ful folly  or  excess.  It  may  be  supposed  that  in  his  noble 
simplicity  and  unassailed  purity  of  life  were  reflected  the 
quiet  virtues  of  his  childhood's  home,  a  home  of  peace, 
gentleness  and  love. 

Education  of  Hus.  John  Hus  was  first  sent  to  a 
school  in  his  native  place.  This  was  conducted  in  a 
monastery.  The  monks  noted  the  quick  intelligence  of 
the  boy.  At  their  suggestion  he  was  sent  to  a  school 
of  higher  grade  in  the  neighbouring  town  of  Prachatice. 
Here  he  won  the  praise  of  his  teachers.  His  rapid  prog- 
ress gave  high  promise  of  future  distinction. 

His  course  at  Prachatice  completed,  he  returned  to  his 
widowed  mother.  ^^What  shall  we  now  do,  my  son?" 
she  asked.     *'  I  am  going  to  Prague,"  was  his  reply,  for 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      29 

the  fire  of  learning  was  burning  in  his  bosom.  Thus,  at 
his  own  instance,  he  went  to  the  university.  That  insti- 
tution was  then  in  its  most  flourishing  state.  It  was 
characterized  by  unexampled  enterprise  and  intellectual 
activity.  The  new  spirit  of  inquiry  and  the  great  thirst 
for  knowledge,  that  were  diffused  abroad,  brought  many 
eager  and  brilliant  minds  to  this  distinguished  seat  of 
learning.  Popular  movements  that  had  taken  place  in 
almost  every  kingdom  in  Europe  showed  that  society, 
even  in  its  lower  strata,  was  restless,  eager  for  knowledge. 
Many  eminent  men  were  in  the  several  faculties  of  the 
university.  Hus  makes  appreciative  mention  of  a  num- 
ber of  them  in  a  commemorative  discourse  preached 
later  in  life.  They  improved  the  peculiar  privileges  of 
the  university  and  made  it  a  Bohemian  republic  of  letters, 
the  authority  of  which  was  widely  respected.  It  was  per- 
vaded by  a  literary  spirit,  active,  keen,  thorough,  de- 
lighting in  disputations  on  the  grandest  scale — disputa- 
tions on  the  moral,  political  and  religious  questions  of 
the  day.  It  embraced  four  faculties,  one  for  theology, 
one  for  law,  one  for  medicine,  one  for  philosophy. 

A  school  such  as  this  inspired  Hus  with  enthusiasm. 
He  became  one  of  its  lights.  Of  his  student  years  we 
have  but  scanty  information.  Being  the  son  of  poor  peo- 
ple, he  was  no  stranger  to  the  sufferings  of  poverty,  even 
of  hunger,  and  he  was  often  obliged  to  sleep  on  the  bare 
ground.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he  was  received  for  a 
time  into  the  house  of  one  of  the  professors,  where  he 
was  employed  in  service  and  received  in  return  food  and 
clothing  and,  at  the  same  time,  enjoyed  access  to  a  large 
and  select  library.  He  endeavoured,  as  he  tells  us  him- 
self, to  add  to  his  limited  means  by  acting  as  singing  boy 
at  religious  services. 

He  appears  to  have  taken  part  in  the  rough  games  of 
his  fellow  students,  though  at  the  university  he  always 


30  JOHN  HUS 

bore  an  excellent  character.  Ever  a  severe  judge  of  him- 
self, he  laments,  at  a  later  period,  his  youthful  levity, 
the  time  he  wasted  in  playing  chess  and  his  inability  to 
lose  a  game  without  anger.  Such  reproaches,  as  in  the 
dase  of  Cromwell,  Bunyan  and  the  Puritans  in  general, 
are  rather  the  evidence  of  a  tender  conscience  than  of  any 
depravity  of  heart.  He,  on  the  other  hand,  takes  trouble 
to  conceal  the  strenuous  work  and  bitter  self-renunciation 
which  were  the  principal  features  of  his  student  life  at 
Prague.  At  the  same  time,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
greatness  and  faults  are  inseparable.  We  must  not  ex- 
pect the  record  of  Hus  to  be  spotless.  Among  his  fel- 
low students  he  found  excellent  companions  who  became 
firm  friends  and  close  associates  later  on.  His  pure  char- 
acter led  him  to  associate  with  earnest  seekers  after  truth 
and  with  those  whose  hearts  God  had  touched.  His  affa- 
bility of  disposition,  gentleness  towards  all,  unassuming 
manner,  earnestness,  truthfulness,  self-denial — qualities 
which  in  after  years  even  his  bitterest  enemies  conceded 
— endeared  him  to  all.  '^Meanly  born  but  of  no  mean 
spirit,"  was  the  characterization  of  one  of  his  opponents. 
His  zeal  for  acquaintance  with  the  career  and  pursuits  of 
those  to  whom  he  might  look  as  models  amounted  almost 
to  a  passion.  That  he  soon  became  famed  among  his  fel- 
lows for  his  piety  is  shown  by  a  story  that  is  told  of  his 
student  days.  It  is  related  that  Hus  had,  when  read- 
ing the  legend  of  St.  Lawrence  who  was  roasted  alive  in 
an  iron  chair,  asked  himself  whether  he,  also,  would  be 
able  to  suffer  such  pain  for  the  sake  of  Christ.  He  im- 
mediately placed  his  hand  on  the  fire  in  the  coal  pan, 
and  firmly  held  it  there  till  one  of  his  companions  drew 
it  away.  Hus  then  said,  *' Why  dost  thou  fear  so  small 
a  matter  ?  I  only  wished  to  test  whether  I  should  have 
sufficient  courage  to  bear  but  a  small  part  of  that  pain 
which  St.  Lawrence  endured." 


m 

'•■  ?i£i~'>-;Jiiiji^^ 

c<ri.-% 

|.     ,    ..r'^^'^^ 

YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      31 

He  took  the  theological  course.  Its  studies  he  pursued 
with  energy  aud  perseverance.  Possessed  of  considerable 
ability,  he  made  rapid  progress.  The  plan  of  studies  was 
that  usually  followed  by  students  of  theology  at  medieval 
universities.  In  connection  with  these,  great  importance 
was  attached  at  the  University  of  Prague  to  theological 
disputations,  in  which  subtlety  of  scholastic  distinction 
and  definition  found  full  play.  Hus  seems  to  have 
shown  great  aptitude  for  these  exercises,  and  this,  no 
doubt,  accounts  for  the  skill  aud  acuteness  which  he  after- 
wards displayed  at  Constance,  when  confronted  with  the 
most  learned  theologians  of  Europe.  His  great  talents  as 
a  speaker  were  speedily  recognized,  and  he  was  accounted 
even  more  acute  than  eloquent.  At  an  unusually  early 
age,  he  took  the  first  of  academic  honours,  that  of  bachelor 
of  arts,  and  in  due  order  other  degrees  such  as  the  uni- 
versity bestowed. 

Early  Interest  in  Great  Questions.  During  his  resi- 
dence at  the  university  as  a  student,  the  attention  of 
Hus  was  first  drawn  to  the  subjects  which  later  so  ear- 
nestly claimed  his  interest,  and  for  which  he  was  to  lay 
down  his  life.  A  struggle,  more  or  less  distinct,  was  go- 
ing on  at  the  university  between  the  more  pronounced 
Romish  tendencies  aud  the  more  liberal  views  of  the  Bo- 
hemians. Early  in  his  course,  the  sympathies  of  Hus 
were  drawn  to  the  side  of  his  countrymen,  especially  as 
his  teachers  belonged  to  the  more  liberal  party.  More- 
over, by  his  residence  at  the  imperial  capital,  Prague, 
and  his  connection  with  the  university,  he  had  large  op- 
portunity for  observation  of  what  was  going  on  in  Bo- 
hemia and  neighbouring  lands  in  those  stirring  times. 
He  was  at  one  of  the  places  where  the  great  interests  of 
European  Christendom  were  focussed.  He  was  brought 
to  understand  the  real  condition  and  sad  degeneracy  of 


32  JOHN  HUS 

the  Church.  Dire  confusion  was  reigning  in  the  Romish 
body.  For  more  than  twenty  years,  the  Church  had  been 
rent  by  the  disgraceful  schism.  Two  popes,  each  claim- 
ing to  be  the  rightful  representative  of  Christ  on  earth, 
were  denouncing  each  other  in  no  measured  terms.  As  a 
result  the  Church  was  enfeebled  and  diseased  in  all  its 
members.  Even  in  Bohemia  and  within  the  walls  of 
Prague  there  was  more  than  enough  to  bring  thoughtful 
minds  to  grave  reflection.  Hus  was  greatly  afflicted  by 
what  he  saw  around  him.  In  common  with  other  earnest 
young  men,  he  began  to  brood  over  the  wrongs  of  his 
country.  Impressed  by  the  searching  and  powerful 
words  of  Milic  and  Janov,  they  were  led  to  devote  them- 
selves to  the  purpose  of  a  higher  Christian  life.  Their 
active  minds  were  stirred  to  make  a  clear  understanding 
of  the  Scriptures  the  great  purpose  of  their  lives.  In  the 
writings  of  various  devout  men  they  saw  signs  of  hope. 
Particularly,  in  the  works  of  Wyclif,  which  at  this  time 
were  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  university,  did  they 
recognize  a  man  whose  daring  views  and  Scriptural 
method  of  reform  were  to  confirm  powerfully  their  own 
bent  of  mind. 

Amid  such  excitements,  the  university  course  of  young 
Hus  was  passed.  His  mind  was  too  active  and  his  heart 
too  much  concerned  for  the  honour  of  Christ's  kingdom 
to  remain  insensible.  It  cost  him  a  severe  inward  strug- 
gle to  ally  himself  with  a  movement  which  he  could  fore- 
see would  require  the  sacrifice  of  comfo^  c,  fame,  worldly 
ambition  and  commit  him  to  a  course  of  activity  which 
would  bring  upon  him  the  reproach  that  Milic  and  Janov 
had  shared.  But  at  a  very  early  period  in  life  his  deci- 
sion was  taken.  And  he  never  faltered  in  his  purpose. 
The  circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed  and  the  objects 
towards  which  his  attention  was  necessarily  directed  added 
strength  to  his  convictions  and  firmness  to  his  resolve. 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      33 

Hus  a  Professor  at  the  University.  Two  years  after 
Hus  had  received  his  Master's  degree,  he  was  called 
to  a  professorship  in  the  university.  His  earliest  lectures 
were  philosophical.  His  theological  views  took  shape 
slowly.  They  received  their  tendency  from  the  con- 
tinued study  of  the  Scriptures,  of  the  works  of  the  church 
fathers  and  of  the  writings  of  Jauov  and  Wyclif.  The 
works  of  the  latter,  after  he  had  overcome  his  prejudice 
against  them,  attracted  him  by  their  reformatory  spirit 
and  the  supreme  authority  which  they  ascribed  to  the 
Bible.  Hus  searched  for  truth,  and  the  truth  as  he  found 
it  in  the  Bible  was  the  foundation  on  which  he  built.  So 
long  as  he  saw  no  difference  between  the  teachings  of  the 
Scriptures  and  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  he  did  not 
antagonize  the  latter.  Whenever  any  disagreement  was 
plain,  he  followed  the  Scriptures.  He  was  willing  to  give 
up  any  opinion  he  held  whenever  he  met  with  a  sounder. 
His  abilities  and  personal  force  were  soon  recognized  by 
the  Bohemian  doctors  at  the  university.  A  distinguished 
circle  gathered  around  him.  They  met  often.  They 
were  drawn  together  by  their  common  zeal  in  the  search 
for  truth  and  by  a  strong  national  feeling.  Moreover, 
Hns  rose  quickly  in  general  estimation.  In  a  short 
time,  offices  and  dignities  were  bestowed  upon  him.  In 
1401,  he  was  made  dean  of  the  philosophical  faculty  and 
in  the  following  year  he  was  elected  rector  of  the  univer- 
sity. 

In  other  directions,  the  career  of  Hus  was  opening 
with  bright  promise.  His  talents  as  a  preacher  were 
early  recognized  by  his  countrymen.  In  1401  we  find  him 
preaching  in  one  of  the  prominent  churches  of  Prague. 
By  reason  of  his  zeal  and  eloquence  and  his  purity  of  life, 
he  was  selected  to  occupy  one  of  the  most  important 
posts  in  the  kingdom.  He  was  made  Father  Confessor  to 
Queen  Sophia,  wife  of  King  Venceslas  of  Bohemia.     She 


34  JOHN  HITS 

was  a  woman  of  strong  mind  and  fine  character.  Through 
her  influence,  Hus  was  received  with  favour  at  the  court 
where  he  gained  powerful  friends. 

Hus  and  the  Bethlehem  Chapel.  Through  one  of 
these,  John  of  Millheim,  a  favourite  courtier  of  King 
Venceslas,  Hus  obtained  the  appointment  of  preacher  at 
the  Bethlehem  Chapel.  The  erection  and  endowment  of 
this  edifice  may  be  traced  to  the  zeal  for  more  popular  relig- 
ious instruction  which  had  been  enkindled  by  the  labours 
of  Waldhauser,  Milic  and  Janov.  John  of  Millheim  and 
a  tradesman  by  the  name  of  Kriz,  a  rich  and  patriotic 
citizen  of  Prague,  established  the  Chapel.  Their  inten- 
tion, as  expressed  in  the  deed  of  foundation,  was  to  pro- 
vide a  house  of  worship  suited  for  the  preaching  of  the 
word  of  God  in  the  language  of  the  people.  Such  a  place 
did  not  then  exist  in  the  city.  In  all  the  other  churches 
of  Prague,  the  immense  encumbrance  of  Komish  rites  and 
ceremonies  left  no  sufficient  opportunity  for  preaching 
the  Gospel.  It  was  required  of  the  preacher  of  the  Beth- 
lehem Chapel  that  he  reside  in  the  city  and  that  he 
preach  in  the  Bohemian  tongue  twice  a  day  on  all  Sun- 
days and  feast  days.  This  place  of  worship  was  called 
the  Bethlehem  Chapel,  because,  in  the  language  of  the 
deed  of  gift,  the  common  people  and  Christian  believers 
were  to  be  "  refreshed  by  the  bread  of  holy  preaching. " 
The  structure  appears  to  have  been  a  somewhat  extensive 
building,  deserving  rather  the  name  of  church  than  that 
of  chapel,  which  it  always  retained.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  roomy  enough  to  seat  over  a  thousand  people,  some 
authorities  say  three  thousand.  It  fronted  on  a  square 
that  is  still  known  as  the  Bethlehem  Square.  The  Chapel 
was  entirely  demolished  in  1786,  but  various  ancient  views 
of  it  have  been  preserved.  Near  the  Chapel,  the  found- 
ers built  a  modest  dwelling  for  the  preacher.     The  door 


Bethlehem  Square.   Site  of  Bethlehem  Chapel 


House  containing  ancient  Doorway  of  Hus's  Residence 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      35 

of  this  house,  hallowed  to  Bohemians  by  the  fact  that  it 
was  inhabited  for  a  time  by  Hus,  has  been  preserved  and 
is  now  indicated  by  an  appropriate  inscription. 

Hus  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office  with  zeal. 
The  pulpit  of  the  Bethlehem  Chapel  became  for  him  a 
throne  of  power.  For  twelve  years  he  wielded  from  it 
an  influence  exceeding  that  of  archbishop  or  king.  The 
former  preachers  had  been  renowned  for  their  eloquence. 
The  fame  of  the  Chapel  became  even  greater  when  Hus 
began  to  preach  there.  Crowds  thronged  to  hear  him. 
They  represented  every  class  of  society.  All  hung  upon 
his  words.  Whatever  enmity  he  encountered,  he  main- 
tained his  influence  unimpaired  in  the  pulpit.  The 
whole  city  was  moved.  At  no  time  in  these  last  centuries 
has  the  power  of  the  pulpit  been  more  strikingly  ex- 
hibited. Luther  found  a  powerful  ally  in  the  press. 
But  as  the  art  of  printing  with  movable  types  was  not  in- 
vented until  after  his  lifetime,  Hus  was  dependent  al- 
most entirely  on  the  pulpit  and  on  his  correspondence. 
In  the  employment  of  these  means  he  stood  forth  without 
a  rival  in  the  kingdom. 

Wide  Influence  of  Hus.  His  ministry  had  wide 
significance  and  influence.  The  whole  city  was  seething 
with  new  intellectual  life,  with  the  fierce  determination 
of  the  Czechs  to  throw  off  all  foreign  bondage,  with  a 
quickened  interest  in  religion.  Over  all  phases  of  this 
he  exercised  controlling  and  directing  sway.  A  learned 
man  himself,  he  sought  constantly  to  fight  ignorance,  the 
fruitful  mother  of  sin  and  error,  and  he  endeavoured  al- 
ways to  inculcate  heavenly  wisdom.  His  sermons  were 
very  instructive.  They  commonly  consisted  of  exposi- 
tions of  the  appointed  gospel  or  epistle  lessons  for  the 
day,  interwoven  with  practical  applications  and  passages 
from  the  writings  of  the  great  teachers  of  the  early  Church, 


36  JOHN  HUS 

or  they  treated  of  doctrinal  points  or  brought  out  some 
subject  relating  to  the  history  of  the  times.  Into  the 
national  movement  he  flung  himself  with  passionate 
earnestness.  Patriotic  sentiment  he  tried  to  lead  to  prac- 
tical effort.  The  religious  interest  he  sought  always  to 
intensify  by  wakening  conscience  and  bringing  individual 
souls  to  a  saving  knowledge  of  the  truth.  With  honest 
zeal  he  set  forth  the  divine  commands  and  counsels.  His 
opportunities  drove  him  to  search  the  Scriptures,  not  in 
order  to  enrich  scholastic  theology,  but  to  find  the  words 
of  eternal  life.  He  found  that  truth  which  renewed  and 
sanctified  his  own  heart.  He  was  carried  forward  by  it 
directly  in  the  way  of  a  reformation.  His  sermons  were 
upon  such  stirring  texts  as  these,  "  Ye  are  the  salt  of  the 
earth  ;'^  *'Let  us  cast  off  the  works  of  darkness  ;'* 
^* Quench  not  the  spirit ;  "  "Go  out  and  compel  them  to 
come  in." 

On  the  basis  of  such  themes,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  re- 
buke the  excesses  and  vices  of  every  class  faithfully  and 
sternly.  He  began  by  attacking  the  misdeeds  of  the  idle 
rich.  When  a  person  of  noble  birth  complained  to  the 
king,  he  told  the  Archbishop  of  Prague  that  he  must  warn 
Hus  to  be  more  cautious  in  his  language.  "  No,  your 
majesty, ^^  replied  the  archbishop,  "  Hus  is  bound  by  his 
ordination  oath  to  speak  the  truth  without  respect  of  per- 
sons. ^^  Later  Hus  went  on  to  attack  the  vices  of  the 
clergy.  Then  the  archbishop  complained  to  the  king, 
saying  that  the  language  of  Hus  was  too  rash  and  would 
do  more  harm  than  good.  "No,'^  said  the  king,  '^Hus 
is  bound  by  his  ordination  oath  to  speak  the  truth  with- 
out respect  of  persons."  Thus  for  some  time  Hus  was 
permitted  to  go  on  telling  people  plainly  about  the  blots 
on  their  lives.  His  preaching  fanned  the  desire  for  re- 
form. 

As  the  pure  Bohemian  which  gushed  from  his  lips  and 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      37 

his  clear,  simple  style  made  his  preaching  attractive,  his 
blameless  life  gave  it  double  force.  Men  saw  in  him  the 
devoted  minister  of  Christ  who  practiced  himself  what  he 
preached  to  others.  As  a  pastor  he  was  distinguished  by 
his  self-denying  faithfulness.  It  is  said  of  him,  ^'  He  was 
untiring  in  confessional,  unwearied  in  his  efforts  to  con- 
vert sinners,  assiduous  in  bringing  comfort  to  the  af- 
flicted. He  sacrificed  everything,  he  sacrificed  himself 
to  save  souls. '^  His  own  favourite  saying  was  borrowed 
from  St.  Ambrose,  ^  ^  Prayers  and  tears  are  the  weapons 
of  a  priest.^' 

Hus  and  Church-Song.  In  close  connection  with 
the  ministry  of  Hus  at  the  Bethlehem  Chapel  were  his 
endeavours  to  provide  for  the  orderly  participation  of 
laymen  in  the  services,  particularly,  in  church -song. 
This  had  gradually  become  an  exclusive  privilege  of  the 
clergy.  In  consequence  of  their  ever  increasing  claim  to 
superiority  over  laymen,  the  ancient  custom  that  the  con- 
gregation should  join  in  the  singing  had  been  abandoned. 
This  had  been  resented  by  the  Bohemians  who  have  fine 
taste  for  music.  They  felt  the  more  keenly  about  it,  as  the 
singers— monks  and  others  of  the  minor  clergy — showed 
want  of  reverence,  sang  mechanically  or  even  falsely  and 
dispatched  their  duties  as  singers  with  indecent  haste. 
Hus  blames  this  abuse  in  quaint  words,  "  Such  a  (singer) 
grinds  his  words  without  using  his  lips  or  teeth,  and  they 
seem  as  the  sound  of  a  millstone  which  thunders  out,  *■  tr, 
tr,  tr  ! '  "  Quite  naturally,  therefore,  the  Bohemian  re- 
formers and  Hus,  in  particular,  became  interested  in  this 
matter.  ^'  The  total  reform  of  the  Bohemian  Church— the 
cause  for  which  Hus  lived  and  died — was  to  include  a 
reform  in  church-song,"  as  Count  Liitzow  writes. 

Hus  endeavoured  to  remedy  abuses  and  introduce  in 
the    Bethlehem    Chapel   *' quiet  song  and  prayer  that 


S8  JOHN  HUS 

should  be  pleasing  both  to  the  learued  and  to  the  simple." 
In  his  writings  he  frequently  expounded  his  views  with 
regard  to  singing  in  the  church.  He  declares  song  to  be 
one  of  the  forms  of  devotion  that  constitute  the  services 
of  the  heavenly  temple  in  our  home  (heaven).  In  an- 
other passage,  he  exhorts  the  mournful  to  expel  the 
plague  of  sorrow  from  their  hearts  by  the  sweetness  of 
song.  As  he  attached  great  importance  to  devotional 
music,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Bethlehem  Chapel  be- 
came famed  for  its  singing.  The  preaching  continued 
mainly  to  attract  the  people,  as  is  natural,  when  we  con- 
sider the  unrivalled  eloquence  of  Hus.  Yet  the  singing 
by  the  congregation  became  a  very  important  feature. 
Hus  well  understood  the  disposition  of  the  crowds  that 
listened  to  his  sermons,  and  he  helped  them  to  give  vent 
to  their  feelings  in  the  manner  most  natural  to  an  emo- 
tional multitude,  that  is  to  say,  by  means  of  song. 

It  was  not  an  easy  task  to  replace  the  Latin  liturgic 
singing  in  his  Chapel  by  songs  in  the  national  language,  j 
With  the  exception  of  a  very  few  hymns,  there  then 
existed  only  secular  songs  in  the  Bohemian  tongue,  and 
these  were  generally  frivolous  or  of  even  worse  character. 
Like  some  later  reformers,  Hus  tried  to  expel  the  ob- 
jectionable songs  that  were  popular  and  replace  them  by 
others  of  a  devout  nature.  He  translated  into  Bohemian 
some  of  the  Latin  hymns  the  people  had  been  hearing.) 
Through  his  influence  others  were  composed  or  adapted 
from  the  Latin  by  writers  now  unknown.  He  composed 
some  hymns  himself.  Of  the  many  attributed  to  him, 
probably,  at  least,  six  are  his  genuine  works.  Among 
them  are  those  beginning  ^'  Jesus  Christ,  bountiful  Lord,'' 
"  O,  living  bread  of  angels,"  ''To  avert  from  men  God's 
wrath."  To  encourage  singing  in  the  native  language, 
Hus  appears  to  have  established  a  kind  of  "school," 
where  the  people  were  taught  the  new  devotional  songs. 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      39 

Hub's  love  of  singing  did  not  forsake  him  to  the  last.  It 
was  while  singing  a  hymn  that  he  ended  his  life  in  the 
flames. 

Hus  Appointed  Preacher  to  the  Synod.  His  suc- 
cess in  the  pulpit  opened  other  opportunities  to  John 
Hus,  which  carried  him  gradually  forward  in  the  work 
of  reformation.  A  year  after  he  had  begun  his  work  at 
the  Bethlehem  Chapel,  the  attention  of  the  newly  ap- 
pointed archbishop  of  Prague,  Zbynek,  was  attracted  to 
Hus,  by  reason  of  his  exemplary  life  and  eloquence.' 
Zbynek  was  a  man  of  good  intentions,  though  of  little 
learning.  Honestly  striving  to  improve  the  moral  con- 
duct of  the  clergy,  he  instituted  frequent  meetings  or 
synods,  at  which  all  matters  of  discipline  could  be  dis- 
cussed. He  appointed  Hus  preacher  to  the  synod  and 
commissioned  him  to  report  any  abuses  that  fell  under 
his  notice.  The  synodical  sermons  of  Hus  differ  from  his 
popular  discourses.  They  were  delivered  in  Latin,  they 
showed  the  scholar  and  the  theologian  and  sparkled  with 
keen  satire.  They  displayed  great  moral  heroism,  for  Hus 
mercilessly  set  forth  and  unsparingly  condemned  the  sins 
of  the  clergy. 

Hus  Exposes  a  Religious  Fraud.  Two  years  later 
the  archbishop  entrusted  Hus  and  two  other  priests  with 
a  mission  of  considerable  importance.  At  Wil  snack,  a 
small  town  of  Slavic  origin  in  the  now  Prussian  Province 
of  Brandenburg,  three  communion  wafers  had  been  found, 
amid  the  ruins  of  an  old  church,  impregnated  with  what 
appeared  to  be  blood.  Priests  spread  the  report  that  it 
was  the  blood  of  Christ  and  that  miraculous  results  could 
be  obtained  by  all  who  paid  homage  to  the  wafers. 
Countless  pilgrims  from  all  countries— Bohemia  included 
— flocked  to  the  spot.      Miracles  were  reported.      One 


40  JOHN  HUS 

Peter,  a  robber  and  murderer,  while  bound  by  his  fetters 
in  prison,  had  made  a  vow  to  the  Holy  Blood  of  Wilsnack. 
Instantly  his  fetters  were  broken  and  he  escaped.  Such 
and  similar  tales  were  circulated  all  over  Europe.  Hus 
and  his  colleagues  questioned  carefully  those  at  Prague 
who  had  visited  the  new  place  of  pilgrimage.  The  evi- 
dence they  collected  is  curious  as  bearing  witness  to  the 
superstition  of  the  times  and  the  dishonesty  of  the  clergy. 
One  of  the  tales  was  that  a  citizen  of  Prague,  Peter  of 
Ash,  one  of  whose  hands  was  maimed,  had  undertaken  a 
pilgrimage  to  Wilsnack,  and  had  dedicated  a  silver  hand 
to  the  Holy  Blood  in  grateful  recognition  of  his  restora- 
tion. The  evidence  showed  that  Peter  had  failed  to  find 
relief.  Furthermore,  he  had  remained  three  days  at 
Wilsnack  to  hear  what  the  priests  would  say  about  it. 
In  that  interval  he  had  seen  a  priest  show  a  silver  hand 
from  the  pulpit,  saying,  *' Listen,  children,  to  this  mir- 
acle. The  hand  of  our  neighbour  from  Prague  has  been 
healed  by  the  Holy  Blood,  and  he  has  offered  this  silver 
hand  as  a  thank-offering."  At  this  Peter  had  risen, 
shown  his  maimed  hand  and  cried  out,  ''Priest,  thou 
liest ;  here  is  my  maimed  hand  as  it  always  was."  The 
result  of  the  investigation,  which  exposed  like  frauds, 
was  that  the  pilgrimages  to  Wilsnack  were  forbidden. 

Hus  Involved  in  a  Theological  Controversy.  In 
the  meantime,  Hus  had,  also,  been  dragged  into  theo- 
logical controversy.  This  came  about  in  the  same  year 
in  which  he  was  appointed  synodical  preacher.  At  that 
time  the  writings  of  Wyclif  had  been  brought  to  the 
special  attention  of  the  university.  They  had  been  ex- 
tensively circulated  and  read  in  Prague.  A  number  of 
articles  extracted  from  them  had  recently  been  condemned 
by  a  synod  held  in  London.  The  masters  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Prague  could  not,  therefore,  be  indifferent  to 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      41 

them.  Accordiugly,  forty-five  articles,  drawn  from  the 
writings  of  the  English  reformer,  were  presented  for  ex- 
amination to  a  general  meeting  of  the  university.  A 
stormy  debate  followed.  Hus  was  present.  He  was 
not  prepared  to  defend  the  articles,  for,  by  his  own  ac- 
count, there  were  certain  portions  of  them  which  he 
could  not  accept.  Nor  was  he  prepared  to  join  in  the 
indiscriminate  condemnation  of  the  propositions.  But 
when  the  fact  was  brought  out  that  the  articles  attributed 
statements  to  Wyclif  which  he  had  never  made,  Hus  ex- 
claimed that  the  falsifiers  should  be  executed,  as  were 
those  who  had  recently  adulterated  foodstuffs  in  Prague. 
In  spite  of  protests,  the  articles  were  condemned  and  the 
members  of  the  university  forbidden  to  teach  them.^ 
Some  years  later,  at  a  meeting  of  the  members  of  the 
university  of  the  Bohemian  nation,  this  judgment  was 
modified,  on  the  proposal  of  Hus,  in  the  decision,  ^'that 
no  master  or  scholar  of  the  Bohemian  nation  should  de- 
fend the  articles  in  any  false,  erroneous  or  heretical 
sense." 

The  very  condemnation  of  Wyclif 's  writings  caused 
Hus  to  continue  to  read  and  study  them.  As,  at  the 
same  time,  conditions  in  Church  and  state  drove  him  to 
acquire  further  knowledge  of  the  truth  and  as  he  became 
convinced  of  the  Biblical  character  of  many  of  the  views 
of  Wyclif,  he  read  with  increasing  sympathy  and  enthu- 
siasm. He  was  fast  losing  his  early  horror  of  what  was 
called  heresy  in  Wyclif.  The  change  going  on  in  his 
mind  was  like  the  experience  of  Luther,  when  he  found 
in  a  library  at  Erfurt  a  volume  of  Hus's  sermons.  ''I 
was  seized  with  a  curiosity  to  know  what  doctrines  this 
great  heretic  had  taught.  The  reading  filled  me  with 
incredible  surprise.  I  could  not  comprehend  why  they 
should  have  burned  a  man  who  explained  Scripture  with 
so  much  discernment  and  wisdom.     But  the  very  name 


42  JOHN  HUS 

of  Hus  was  such  an  abomination  that  I  imagined  that 
the  heavens  would  be  darkened  and  the  sun  would  fall 
at  the  mere  mention  of  it.  So  I  shut  the  book  with  a  sad 
heart,  consoling  myself  with  the  possibility  that  it  was 
written  before  he  fell  into  heresy.''  Similar  to  this  was 
the  experience  of  Hus  with  regard  to  Wyclif.  His  own 
convictions  became  clearer  on  the  subjects  of  which  the 
English  reformer  had  treated.  He  recognized  the  anti- 
Scriptural  usages  of  the  corrupt  church  in  their  real 
character.  His  estrangement  from  that  church  was  a 
gradual  one,  brought  about  by  his  own  experiences,  as  well 
as  his  study  of  various  books,  Wyclif 's  among  others. ) 

Hus  Continues  Efforts  at  Reform.  While  he  studied 
and  reflected,  Hus  followed  up  the  efforts  already  put 
forth  to  purify  the  doctrine  and  life  of  the  Church.  He 
felt  that  his  position  justly  pointed  him  out  as  the 
champion  of  the  nation's  rights  and  the  reformer  of 
abuses  in  the  Church.  At  the  university  he  devoted 
special  attention  to  expository  lectures  and  filled  the 
minds  of  the  students  and,  through  them  the  popular 
mind,  with  such  a  love  of  the  Scriptures  as  had  not  been 
known  in  the  country  before.  In  the  Bethlehem  Chapel 
he  discussed  the  essential  doctrines  of  the  Christian  faith, 
showing  the  differences  between  their  Scriptural  form 
and  that  in  which  they  were  ordinarily  presented.  He 
pointed  out  the  evils  to  which  their  misinterpretation  led 
and,  with  the  authority  of  a  prophet,  he  called  the  people 
to  repentance  and  faith.  In  his  sy nodical  sermons  he  laid 
bare  the  moral  sores  of  the  clergy  to  the  very  bone.  He 
gave  to  every  sin  its  right  name  and  burst  out  upon  it  in 
a  torrent  of  burning  and  indignant  eloquence,  sounding 
an  alarm  that  startled  the  hardest  heart.  Thus  the  work 
went  bravely  on.  New  ideas  sprang  into  life.  The  true 
light  began  to  shine. 


YOUTH  AND  EARLY  WORK      43 

Early  Literary  Work  of  Hus.  Partly  by  reason  of 
the  theological  strife  iu  which  he  was  involved,  partly 
from  a  desire  to  make  his  countrymen  familiar  with  the 
sacred  documents  which  form  the  basis  of  Christianity, 
Hus  was  led  to  seize  the  pen.  Very  early  Bohemian 
writings  of  Hus  are  some  sermons  that  have  recently 
been  discovered.  An  examination  of  them  shows  that, 
at  this  time,  when  his  orthodoxy  was  not  yet  questioned, 
he  really  held  the  views  with  reference  to  the  Church  and 
Christian  life,  which  were  later  charged  as  heretical.  In 
one  of  his  synodical  sermons  he  distinctly  teaches  that 
Christ,  not  Peter,  is  the  rock  on  which  the  Church  is  built. 
A  very  early  Bohemian  work  of  Hus  was  his  translation 
of  the  Trialogus  of  Wyclif.  This  was  one  of  the  English 
reformer's  most  important  works  and  presents  what  may 
be  regarded  as  his  doctrinal  system.  This  translation  has 
long  been  lost ;  its  existence  is  known  only  through  the 
testimony  of  many  writers  of  that  period.  Numerous 
manuscript  copies  seem  to  have  circulated  largely  among 
the  Bohemian  nobility.  One  of  the  largest  and  most  im- 
portant of  Hus's  Latin  works  is  his  Super  IV  Sententi- 
arum,  a  commentary  on  the  sentences  of  Peter  Lombard. 
This  then  world-famed  book — written  in  the  eleventh 
century — was  for  many  generations  the  recognized  text- 
book of  theology.  It  consisted  of  a  vast  collection  of 
the  opinions  of  the  fathers  of  the  Church  on  all  matters 
of  faith.  Judged  by  his  extensive  commentary  on  this 
work,  Hus  was  a  true  scholar,  a  man  of  great  learning. 
Other  Liitin  works  of  Hus  belonging  to  this  period  are 
controversial  treatises. 

Results  of  the  Early  Work  of  Hus.  These  years  of 
the  life  of  Hus  have  been  quite  properly  termed  the 
'^academic  period.'^  This  ends  with  the  year  1408. 
During  this  time,  he  was  mainly  occupied  with  his  uni- 


44  JOHN  HUS 

versity  studies  and  lectures  and  his  ministry  at  the  Beth- 
lehem Chapel.  As  yet  no  suspicion  of  heresy  attached 
to  him.  His  fearless  preaching  and  scathing  rebukes  of 
the  vicious  clergy  had  provoked  hostility,  it  is  true. 
They  had  even  subjected  him  to  accusation.  But  the 
accusations  were  based  rather  on  questions  of  conduct 
than  of  doctrine.  It  was  stated  that  he  had  extinguished 
charity  by  his  outspokenness,  that  he  had  made  the 
clergy  odious  to  the  people.  The  blameworthy  priests 
could  hardly  call  a  man  a  heretic  for  telling  them  plainly 
about  the  blots  on  their  lives.  Apart  from  these  accusa- 
tions, Hus  was  still  in  agreement  with  the  authorities  of 
the  Church  and  enjoyed  comparative  quiet,  such  as  was 
never  again  to  be  his  lot.  The  ideas  he  had  come  to 
hold,  the  activities  he  had  begun  and  the  forces  he  had 
set  in  motion  foreshadowed  stormy  days,  if  he  persisted 
in  his  course.  Had  he  halted  here,  he  might  have  been 
allowed  to  live  and  die  in  peace  and  in  great  esteem. 
The  age  was  just  the  one  for  a  clever,  adroit  man  to 
achieve  success.  It  was  an  age  of  temporizing — an  age 
when  necessary  capital  for  any  profession,  secular  or  re- 
ligious, was,  in  the  opinion  of  most,  an  easy  conscience. 
Hus  was  not  blind  to  this.  Inviting  avenues  of  ambi- 
tion opened  to  him.  He  saw  tempting  prizes  within  his 
grasp.  To  forego  them,  to  scorn  them,  to  stand  by  con- 
viction, to  invite  persecution  was  no  easy  task.  Yet  this 
task  he  achieved  in  a  strength  that  had  a  higher  than  any 
human  source. 


in 

THE  PEEIOD  OP  STEIFE:  HUS  AND  THE 
AEOHBISHOP 

WIDER  Influence  of  the  Work  of  Hus. 
The  relations  between  Hus  and  the  Eoman 
Catholic  Church  had  become  strained.  At 
every  step  he  had  met  with  enemies.  The  clergy  of  rank, 
the  foreign  professors  at  the  university  and  the  monks 
formed  a  solid  phalanx  against  him.  At  the  instance  of 
offended  priests  he  had,  a  year  before  the  events  about 
to  be  narrated,  been  deprived  of  his  of&ce  as  preacher  to 
the  synod.  As  he  resolutely  maintained  his  ground,  open 
conflict  with  the  authorities  of  the  Church  could  not  long 
be  deferred.  Indeed,  this  was  hastened  by  conditions 
that  became  acute  and  events  that  were  precipitated,  with 
which,  in  one  way  or  another,  he  became  involved. 
Henceforth,  he  appears  an  open  enemy  of  Eome,  though 
he  continued  to  the  end  of  his  life  to  consider  himself  a 
true  and  faithful  member  of  the  Church  of  Christ.  As 
his  activities  became  more  distinctly  anti-Eoman,  it  is 
noteworthy,  too,  that  they  assumed  larger  proportions. 
The  political  and  religious  affairs  of  Bohemia,  at  this 
time,  were  greatly  affected  by  European  conditions. 
Consequently,  the  history  of  the  life  of  Hus  widens  out 
and  becomes  more  closely  connected  with  the  vast  stage 
of  European  political  and  religious  movements — a  stage 
on  which  Hus,  for  a  short  time,  appears  as  a  prominent 
figure. 

Evils  of  the  Time.    The  political  and  religious  situa- 
tion in  Europe  was  dominated,  directly  or  indirectly,  by 

45 


46  JOHN  HUS 

the  schism  in  the  papacy.  This  period  when  two,  and 
for  a  while  three,  popes  claimed  to  be  the  successors  of 
St.  Peter,  is  one  of  the  darkest  in  the  history  of  the 
Church  and  of  Europe.  Violence  and  anarchy  prevailed 
widely.  And  nearly  all  mischiefs,  political  or  religious, 
were  credited  to  the  schism.  The  Church  divided  and 
corrupt,  far  from  being  able  to  restrain  grasping  princes 
and  parties,  only  complicated  existing  strifes,  feuds  and 
plots.  Everywhere  there  were  turbulence,  crime,  law- 
lessness. Nor  was  this  all.  Profligacy  and  corruption 
tainted  the  leaders  of  the  Church.  Deeds  of  darkness 
disgraced  the  highest  dignitaries  in  it.  Church  positions 
were  bartered  and  sold.  Priestly  avarice  was  quite  un- 
blushing. Verbal  warfare  between  the  rival  popes  was 
waged  in  a  coarse  and  abusive  manner.  The  power  of 
excommunication  was  misused  by  the  popes  for  crush- 
ing political  enemies.  The  faithful  were  heavily  taxed 
to  support  the  armed  forces  needed  by  the  popes  against 
their  enemies.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that 
writers  of  the  time,  some  of  whom  had  been  papal 
officials,  speak  with  the  utmost  scorn  of  the  Eoman 
Church.  Nor  is  it  surprising  that  the  demand  became 
almost  universal  that  some  limit  should  be  set  to  these 
abuses.  It  was  but  natural  that  pious  and  unworldly 
men,  when  contrasting  the  events  of  their  time  with  their 
own  ideals,  should  feel  an  intense  longing  for  the  true 
Church  of  Christ  as  they  conceived  of  it. 

Failure  of  Efforts  to  Correct  Abuses.  Successive  ef- 
forts were  made  to  remedy  the  evil.  One  or  the  other 
of  the  popes  was  urged  to  lay  down  his  office.  But  this 
was  of  no  avail.  The  possession  of  power  had  begotten 
the  love  of  it.  The  fingers,  that  had  grasped  the  sceptre 
as  flesh,  had  turned  to  iron  and  would  not  relax  their 
hold.     Hope  was  entertained  that  on  the  death  of  one  of 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  47 

the  rivals,  his  cardinals  would  refuse  to  elect  a  successor 
and  join  themselves  to  the  conclave  of  the  other.  Yet 
this  hope  was  steadily  disappointed.  On  the  death  of 
either  the  French  or  the  Italian  pope,  the  respective 
cardinals  immediately  filled  the  vacancy.  Each  pope 
and  his  body  of  cardinals  had  considerable  following. 
Some  kingdoms  and  their  rulers  held  with  the  French 
and  some  with  the  Italian  pope.  All  kinds  of  consider- 
ations played  into  the  unholy  strife.  They  left  confusion 
worse  confounded.  When  these  and  like  efforts  and 
hopes  had  come  to  nought,  the  idea  of  summoning  a 
general  council  of  the  Church  was  broached.  It  was  re- 
ceived with  general  approval.  In  the  event,  two  gen- 
eral councils,  that  of  Pisa,  in  1409,  and  that  of  Constance, 
1414-1418,  had  to  be  held  before  the  schism  was  finally 
healed.  With  both  these  great  church  assemblages, 
called  to  reform  abuses,  the  life- course  and  fate  of  Hus 
were  intimately  associated. 

The  Council  of  Pisa  and  Strife  in  the  University. 
As  elsewhere  so  in  Bohemia,  the  Council  of  Pisa  excited 
lively  interest.  When  the  cardinals  assembled  there  to 
choose  a  new  pope,  they  first  declared  the  rival  popes 
deposed.  Then  they  sent  a  petition  to  all  the  Christian 
princes,  to  King  Veuceslas  of  Bohemia  among  the  rest, 
begging  them  to  maintain  neutrality,  that  is  to  say,  to 
recognize  thericeforth  neither  of  the  two  rival  popes, 
Gregory  and  Benedict.  King  Yenceslas  was  inclined  to 
view  such  a  proposal  favourably.  As  the  opinion  of  the 
University  of  Prague  was  considered  to  be  of  great  impor- 
tance in  all  the(iiogical  and  religious  discussions,  it  was 
customary  to  coi.sult  it  on  such  matters.  Accordingly, 
the  king  turned  to  the  university  for  approval  of  his 
policy  of  neuti-ality  over  against  the  council.  But  at 
the  university  opinion  was  divided.     The  Bohemian  fac- 


48  JOHN  HUS 

ulty  and  students  sided  with  the  king,  the  other  nations 
were  not  disposed  to  comply  with  his  wishes.  They 
were  supporters  of  Pope  Gregory.  Strangely  enough, 
they  were  able  to  set  aside  the  judgment  of  the  Bohe- 
mians by  the  method  of  voting  in  vogue  at  the  institu- 
tion. Almost  from  its  beginning  the  university  had 
been  divided  into  ''nations,'^  as  was  then  customary  at 
the  University  of  Paris  and  elsewhere.  The  Bohemian 
nation  included,  besides  the  students  from  Bohemia,  those 
who  belonged  to  Moravia,  Hungary  and  other  southern 
Slavonic  countries.  The  Bavarian  nation  comprised  the 
students  from  Bavaria,  Austria,  Suabia,  Franconia  and 
the  Ehine  lands.  The  students  from  Saxony,  Meissen, 
Thuringia,  Sweden  and  Denmark  formed  the  Saxon 
nation.  The  Polish  nation  was  composed  of  Poles,  Eus- 
sians,  Lithuanians  and  Silesiaus.  This  division  into 
nations  extended,  also,  to  the  masters.  It  had  frequently 
provoked  dissensions.  In  voting  upon  all  important 
matters  that  came  before  the  university,  the  votes  were 
taken  by  nations.  Each  nation  had  one  vote.  When, 
therefore,  the  foreign  nations  voted  together,  the  Bohe- 
mians were  powerless.  So  it  was  in  this  case.  The  three 
nations  voted  solid  against  the  proposal  of  the  king, 
inspired  to  do  so  by  a  mixture  of  political  and  religious 
motives. 

The  indignant  Bohemians  were  driven  by  this  act  to 
the  last  limit  of  endurance.  They  were  tired  out  by  the 
persistent  opposition  of  the  foreign  nations  to  reform. 
And  this  last  vote,  by  which  the  wishes  of  Bohemia  and 
the  free  tendencies  of  the  people  on  a  matter  of  such  vital 
importance  were  stifled  at  their  own  university,  deter- 
mined them  to  decisive  action.  They  represented  to  the 
king,  by  deputation  as  well  as  by  the  help  of  friendly 
nobles,  that  the  Bohemians  should  have,  at  least,  equal 
rights  in  the  control  of  the  university.     After  some  delay 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  49 

the  king  yielded  to  tlieir  request  and,  early  in  1409, 
issued  a  decree  stating  that,  whereas  he  considered  it 
unjust  that  foreigners  should  so  largely  enjoy  advantages 
that  belonged  rightly  to  residents,  henceforth  the  Bohe- 
mian nation  shall  have  in  all  assemblies,  judgments,  ex- 
aminations, elections  and  other  transactions  three  votes. 
This  decree,  which  altered  the  entire  constitution  of  the 
university,  was  received  with  enthusiasm  by  the  national 
party.  Hus,  tlie  principal  leader  of  that  party,  was  at 
the  moment  seriously  ill.  Two  friends  brought  the  cheer- 
ing news  into  the  sick-chamber,  where  Hus  received  it 
with  warmest  gratitude  and  joy.  People  credited  him 
with  bringing  about  the  welcome  change.  He  became 
more  popular  than  ever.  The  victory  lifted  him  to 
greater  prominence  as  the  leader  of  his  people. 

His  triumph,  also,  made  his  position  more  difficult  and 
hazardous.  The  foreign  elements  would  not  accommo- 
date themselves  to  the  provisions  of  the  decree.  At 
first  they  were  stunned.  Then  they  remonstrated.  They 
bound  themselves  by  solemn  oaths  to  leave  the  university 
rather  than  admit  that  the  Bohemians  should  have  three 
votes  at  the  deliberations  of  the  university  and  the  other 
nations  only  one.  When  they  found  that  the  king  held 
to  his  decision,  they  were  exasperated  beyond  measure 
and  proceeded  to  carry  out  their  rash  threats.  Some  of 
them  burned  down  the  theological  college,  and  a  few 
days  afterwards  German  students,  masters  and  doctors, 
to  the  number  of  several  thousand,  left  the  city.  Most 
of  them  journeyed  to  Leipsic  and  founded  a  university 
there.  Whithersoever  they  went,  they  carried  with  them 
reports  injurious  to  the  reform  party  in  Bohemia  and  to 
its  leader.  These  contributed,  some  years  later,  to  the 
intensely  bitter  feeling  manifest  against  Hus  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Constance.  In  Prague,  too,  considerable  ill-will 
was  excited  against  Hus  by  this  occurrence.    The  exodus 


60  JOHN  HUS 

of  so  large  a  number  of  scholars  and  students  meant 
great  loss  from  a  business  point  of  view.  Hus  and  his 
friends  were  regarded  by  the  worldly  minded  as  the 
destroyers  of  their  prosperity.  In  spite  of  this,  however, 
he  was  very  generally  treated  with  deserved  honor  by  his 
countrymen.  Eising  from  his  sick-bed,  he  was  elected 
rector  of  the  university,  an  office  he  had  already  held 
some  years  previously.  This  placed  him  at  the  height  of 
his  political  position. 

Failure  of  Reform  at  Pisa  Intensifies  Strife.  In 
other  ways  the  Council  of  Pisa,  by  what  it  did  and  by 
what  it  did  not  do,  exerted  determinative  influence  on  the 
life-work  and  fate  of  Hus.  Indirectly,  it  is  true,  but  none 
the  less  really.  The  debates  of  that  council  were  stormy 
and  largely  resultless.  It  did  deprive  both  popes, 
Gregory  and  Benedict,  of  the  papal  rank  and  all  other 
dignities.  A  new  pope  was  elected,  who  assumed  the 
name  of  Alexander  Y.  But  in  the  matter  of  church- 
reform  nothing  was  done  beyond  a  few  unimportant 
regulations.  That  great  subject  was  referred  to  a  more 
convenient  season — a  future  council.  Abuses  were  not 
corrected.  Indeed,  they  were  aggravated.  Not  all 
Christendom  was  satisfied  with  the  election  of  Alexander 
V.  Despite  deposition,  Gregory  and  Benedict  were  still 
in  the  field,  each  supported  by  a  powerful  following. 
There  were  now  three  claimants  of  the  popedom.  Thus 
the  irony  of  events  showed  that  thorough  and  entire  re- 
form, the  only  remedy  for  the  deep-seated  malady  of 
Christendom,  had  not  been  achieved  by  the  council. 
With  fine  insight,  one  writer  of  the  time,  a  former  rector 
of  the  University  of  Paris,  says  of  the  Council  of  Pisa, 
**The  assembly  of  Pisa  only  deceived  the  Church  of 
God.  It  cried  Peace,  Peace,  when  there  was  no  peace. 
These  carnal  and  avaricious  men  have  obstructed  the 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  61 

reformation  of  the  Church.  .  .  .  They,  first  of  all, 
proceeded  to  a  new  election.  When  this  was  done  and 
they  had  obtained  the  promotions  they  had  asked,  they 
cried  Peace  and  Union."  Another  pious  and  able  writer 
of  those  days  characterizes  the  council  as  "a  profane, 
heretical,  cursed,  seditious,  absurd,  scandalous,  diabolical 
assembly  !  "  Such  a  council  effected  no  improvement ;  it 
only  opened  an  unlimited  field  for  bitter  controversy. 
Many  earnest  and  noble  men  were  involved  in  the  strug- 
gles that  ensued.  A  man  of  the  prominence  and  power 
of  Hus,  equipped  with  as  firm  convictions  as  he  was, 
could  not  keep  out  of  the  fray.  His  bold  utterances  and 
equally  courageous,  diversified  activity  excited  wide- 
spread hostility.  From  this  time  on,  the  influences 
which  brought  Hus  at  last  to  a  martyr's  pains  and  glory 
were  unceasingly  at  work. 

Pope  John  XXIII.  Moreover,  the  council  brought 
into  the  foreground  a  personage  destined  to  enter  not  a 
little  into  the  life  of  Hus.  This  was  Baldasarre  Cossa. 
He  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the  council.  Through  his 
influence,  Alexander  V  had  been  elected.  The  latter 
was  a  pious,  learned,  aged  man,  but  completely  under  the 
control  of  Cossa.  When  Alexander  V  died,  Cossa  as- 
sumed openly  the  authority  which  he  had  practically  al- 
ready wielded.  He  had  himself  elected  pope,  as  one 
writer  puts  it  '^  unfortunately  for  himself  and  many 
others."  He  was  crowned  pope  under  the  name  of  John 
XXIII.  We  meet  with  him  in  some  of  the  most  impor- 
tant moments  in  the  life  of  Hus.  It  was  this  pope  who 
summoned  Hus  to  Rome.  It  was  his  attempt  to  raise  funds 
in  Bohemia  for  the  continuation  of  his  war  against 
Naples  that  caused  the  troubles  in  Prague  which  forced 
Hus  to  exile  himself.  It  was  he  who  appeared  as  Hus's 
principal  antagonist  during  the  earlier  part  of  his  stay  at 


52  JOHN  HUS 

Constance.  It  was  he  through  whose  influence  Hus  wag 
imprisoned  shortly  after  his  arrival  at  Constance.  A 
brief  glance  at  his  life  and  character  will,  therefore,  be 
interesting.  Early  in  life  he  had  been  a  soldier.  He  is 
said,  for  a  time,  to  have  been  a  pirate.  He  was,  undoubt- 
edly, a  man  of  exceptional  talent  and  reckless  determina- 
tion. But  he  cultivated  an  absolute  contempt  for  the  dis- 
tinction of  good  and  evil.  Finding  a  military  career  not 
satisfying  for  his  ambitions,  he  took  to  study  and  distin- 
guished himself  in  scholarly  attainment  by  reason  of  his 
brilliant  talents.  Entering  the  service  of  various  high 
of&cers  in  the  Church,  he  rose  from  one  post  of  honour 
and  power  to  another,  though  his  life  was  very  evil.  He 
is  known  as  one  of  the  most  infamous  characters  that 
blacken  the  pages  of  history.  He  was  given  to  almost 
every  form  of  vice.  The  historian  Gibbon  calls  him  "  the 
most  profligate  of  mankind."  It  is  shocking  to  think 
that  such  a  man,  whose  vile  character  was  no  secret, 
should  have  been  able  by  shrewdness,  audacity  and 
treachery  to  work  himself  to  the  position  of  sovereign 
head  of  the  Eomish  Church.  Yet  such  was  the  fact.  His 
last  step  to  that  dignity  was  marked  by  crime.  For  he  is 
charged,  with  good  reason,  of  having  poisoned  his  pred- 
ecessor to  make  room  for  himself.  In  his  own  person  he 
typified  the  evils  and  disease  of  the  times. 

Causes  of  the  Conflict  of  Hus  with  the  Archbishop. 
With  this  notorious  character  Hus  did  not,  however, 
come  into  contact  immediately.  He  was  brought  to  op- 
pose him  largely  through  previous  dispute  with  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  at  Prague.  At  the  critical  mo- 
ment when  Hus  triumphed  at  the  university,  he  was 
about  to  come  into  direct  conflict  with  Archbishop 
ZbynelJ,  who  had  been  his  friend.  For  some  time,  the 
position  of  Hus  with  respect  to  the  church  authorities  at 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  53 

Prague  had  been  undefined.  It  had  become  constantly 
more  difficult.  Through  his  studies  and  many-sided  work, 
he  had  been  brought  to  clearer  doctrinal  conviction,  an 
evangelical  position  quite  at  variance  with  the  teachings 
of  Eomanism.  And  by  clearer  understanding  of  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  Church  and  the  causes  thereof,  he  had 
been  led  to  more  vehement  and  outspoken  denunciation 
of  abuses.  Hence,  there  came  fresh  attacks  on  the  part 
of  the  parish  priests.  They  were  bent  on  his  ruin. 
They  drew  up  a  long  list  of  accusations.  To  obtain  these 
they  had  spied  upon  Hus  and  distorted  his  statements. 
Among  the  numerous  hearers  at  the  Bethlehem  Chapel 
there  had  been  some  undesirable  visitors,  parish  priests 
come  to  gather  material  for  accusation.  This  had  been 
brought  to  the  notice  of  Hus.  Soon  after  he  had  preached 
on  the  difference  between  the  law  of  God  and  the  com- 
mand of  men.  He  had  exclaimed,  *'  What  is  corn  but  the 
law  of  God,  what  chaff  but  the  command  of  men  !'' 
Leaning  over  the  pulpit,  he  had  then  addressed  a  spying 
priest,  "  Note  that  down,  cowled  monk,  and  carry  it  to 
the  other  side."  It  would  be  wearisome  to  recount  the 
accusations  the  priests  had  thus  secured.  In  brief,  they 
charged  Hus  with  opposing  various  time-honoured  cus- 
toms and  traditions  of  the  Church.  And  they  raised  the 
cry  of  heresy  against  him,  because  he  had  boldly  defended 
some  of  the  doctrines  of  Wyclif  which  appeared  to  him  to 
be  sustained  by  the  Scriptures.  The  charge  of  heresy 
was  in  those  days  considered  a  terrible  accusation.  Even 
in  our  own  times  it  is  not  lightly  taken.  But  then  it  was 
the  worst  charge  that  could  be  levelled  against  a  man. 
For  a  heretic  was  regarded  as  an  offender  against  the  most 
cherished  possession  of  people,  namely,  their  faith.  That 
is  why  Hus,  to  the  last,  hotly  denied  that  he  was  charge- 
able with  heresy. 
Making  use  of  the  accusations  against  Hus,  Zbynek, 


64  JOHN  HUS 

who  was  still  a  supporter  of  Pope  Gregory,  imposed  si- 
lence on  all  who  denied  the  claims  of  that  pope  and  for- 
bade their  exercising  priestly  functions.  Hus  knew  that 
this  was  aimed  at  him  and  his  work  at  the  Bethlehem 
Chapel,  for  he  had  been  a  supporter  of  the  council.  Hus 
paid  no  attention  to  the  archbishop's  decree.  He  kept  on 
preaching.  He  could  do  so  without  being  molested,  be- 
cause he  had  powerful  friends  at  court  and  at  the  univer- 
sity. Among  the  nobles,  too,  he  numbered  some  staunch 
supporters.  The  archbishop  found  himself  powerless. 
This  did  not  improve  his  feeling  towards  Hus.  His 
spirits  were  further  ruffled  when  various  popular  demon- 
strations, such  as  the  singing  of  mocking  songs,  showed 
him  how  much  he  was  disliked  in  the  city.  Then  Zbynek 
saw  where  his  interest  as  archbishop  and  persecutor  of 
Hus  lay.  He  changed  the  whole  course  of  affairs  by  go- 
ing over  to  the  pope  elected  by  the  council,  Alexander  V. 
This  did  not  diminish  his  unpopularity,  but  it  gave  him 
great  advantage  over  Hus.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  use  it. 
He  proved  himself  a  good  hater.  He  was  spurred  on  by 
those  who  wished  to  make  him  their  instrument  of  re- 
venge on  Hus.  A  former  friend  of  Hus  wrote  to  the 
archbishop,  earnestly  beseeching  him  to  be  on  his  guard, 
lest  by  the  multiplication  of  errors  the  flock  should  drink 
in  that  infidel  poison  which  would  destroy  their  souls. 
Zbynek  sent  an  embassy  to  the  pope,  stating  that  all  Bo- 
hemia and  Moravia  and  neighbouring  states  had  been 
corrupted  by  the  heretical  articles  of  Wyclif  and  suggest- 
ing that  in  these  countries  preaching  should  be  forbidden 
everywhere,  except  in  the  cathedral,  collegiate  and  parish 
churches  and  in  those  belonging  to  the  monasteries.  This 
proposal  aimed  principally  at  Hus's  Bethlehem  Chapel. 
The  archbishop  easily  procured  from  the  pope  a  bull  con- 
demning the  heresies  and  giving  him  full  power  to  pro- 
ceed against  heretics,   as  well  as  to  forbid  preaching 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  55 

outside  of  the  appointed  churches.  Hus  unhesitatingly 
refused  to  obey  the  prohibition.     He  asked  : 

"  Where  is  there  any  authority  of  Holy  Writ  or  where 
are  there  any  rational  grounds  for  forbidding  preaching 
in  so  public  a  place,  fitted  up  for  that  very  purpose  in 
the  midst  of  the  great  city  of  Prague  ?  Nothing  else  can 
be  at  the  bottom  of  this  but  the  jealousy  of  Antichrist." 

And  lie  further  wrote  such  noble  words  as  these,  ^'  I  avow 
it  to  be  my  purpose  to  defend  the  truth  which  God  has  en- 
abled me  to  know,  and  especially  the  truth  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, even  to  death,  since  I  know  that  the  truth  stands 
and  is  forever  mighty  and  abides.  And  if  the  fear  of  death 
should  terrify  me,  still  I  hope  in  my  God  and  in  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Holy  Spirit,  that  the  Lord  Himself  will  give 
me  firmness.  And  if  I  have  found  favour  in  His  sight. 
He  will  crown  me  with  martyrdom.  But  what  more 
glorious  triumph  is  there  than  this  ?  Inviting  His  faithful 
ones  to  this  victory,  our  Lord  says,  *  Fear  not  them  that 
kill  the  body.'  " 

These  were  not  words  of  vainglorious  boasting.  Hus 
weighed  carefully  the  question  of  duty.  He  made  his 
decision  in  full  view  of  the  consequences  it  might  involve. 
While  he  was  enthusiastic  in  his  devotion  to  truth  and 
firm  in  his  purpose,  he  was  yet  calm  and  self-possessed. 
The  zeal  of  his  earlier  years  had  been  chastened  by  fuller 
knowledge  and  larger  experience.  But  the  martyr  spirit 
still  glowed  within  him.  He  resolved  on  an  appeal  to 
the  pope.  He  did  this  deliberately  and  publicly.  His 
great  congregations  at  the  Bethlehem  Chapel  were  re- 
sponding with  lively  demonstration  to  the  vigorous  dec- 
larations from  his  pulpit.  There  he  announced  his  inten- 
tion to  appeal  to  the  pope.  He  asked  whether  they 
would  join  him  in  the  appeal.  The  whole  multitude  cried 
out,  ''Yes,  we  will,  we  will  !  "  His  appeal,  in  a  dozen 
clearly  stated  articles,  reviewed  the  ground  on  which  he 


56  JOHN  HUS 

justified  his  course.     It  indicated  that  he  had  calmly  sur- 
veyed his  position  and  was  prepared  to  maintain  it. 

Burning  of  Heretical  Books  by  the  Archbishop. 
Meantime,  the  archbishop  was  pressing  measures  with 
characteristic  vigour.  For  some  time,  he  had  intended 
that  all  heretical  writings,  particularly  those  of  Wyclif, 
should  be  brought  to  his  palace  and  there  burned.  This, 
on  the  advice  of  his  counsellors  and  in  accordance  with 
instructions  from  Eome,  in  order  that  they  might  be  re- 
moved '  ^  from  the  sight  of  the  faithful. "  But  his  purpose 
had  been  stayed  by  the  protest  of  the  masters  and  students 
of  the  university  and  by  the  intervention  of  the  kiug. 
Hus  had,  indeed,  brought  the  writings  to  the  archbishop, 
asking  that  the  errors  in  them  might  be  pointed  out  on 
the  basis  of  the  Scriptures.  He  could  not  yield  till  con- 
vinced by  argument.  But  argument  was  not  the  arch- 
bishop's forte.  He  was  prepared  not  to  argue  but  to  use 
Eome's  logic,  fire.  Now,  emboldened  by  the  papal  bull, 
he  took  extreme  measures.  He  ordered  all  heretical 
writings  of  every  sort  to  be  brought  to  him.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  the  king  from  the  city,  he  assembled  the  prin- 
cipal church  authorities  and  priests  in  the  court  of  the 
palace.  This  was  barricaded  and  guarded  by  a  consid- 
erable armed  force,  to  prevent  any  interference.  A  stake 
was  erected  in  the  middle  of  the  court.  Some  two  hun- 
dred volumes,  many  of  them  beautifully  engrossed  and 
splendidly  bound,  were  placed  around  it.  The  arch- 
bishop himself  lighted  the  pile.  The  bells  were  tolled 
from  the  tower  of  the  city,  as  though  for  a  funeral,  and 
all  present  sang  the  Te  Beum  while  the  books  were  burn- 
ing. 

The  deed  was  done.  It  was  a  fateful  one — one  of  which 
the  archbishop  assuredly  did  not  see  the  importance.  All 
hope  of  a  peaceful  reformation  of  the  Church  in  Bohemia 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  57 

ended  here.  It  was  meant  to  be  the  end  of  trouble.  By- 
God's  providence  it  proved  the  beginning  of  sorrows.  A 
large  proportion  of  the  citizens  of  Prague  were  enraged.  A 
cry  of  indignation  rose  throughout  Bohemia.  The  queen 
wept.  The  king  stormed  and  cursed.  Some  acts  of  vio- 
lence were  committed  by  the  angry  populace.  The  action 
proved  as  vain  as  it  was  provoking.  Not  all  of  Wyclif 's 
books  were  burned.  Some  people  had  refused  to  give 
them  up,  scorning  the  argument  of  fagots  and  bonfires. 
And  in  an  amazingly  short  time,  though  the  art  of  print- 
ing had  not  yet  been  invented,  a  large  number  of  the  for- 
bidden books  bad  been  recopied.  It  is  not  strange  that 
the  people  were  so  exasperated  at  the  action  of  the  arch- 
bishop. Through  the  preaching  they  had  been  priv- 
ileged to  hear  and  by  means  of  the  books  they  had  read, 
convictions  had  taken  strong  hold  upon  their  minds — 
convictions  that  were  confirmed  by  a  study  of  the  Bible 
which  was,  also,  in  their  hands.  In  the  smoke  of  the 
burning  books,  therefore,  they  saw  not  zeal  for  the  faith 
but  only  the  ignorance  and  malice  of  persecutors.  In 
such  a  state  of  mind  they  might  easily  be  excited  to  deeds 
of  violence.  It  is  a  great  tribute  to  the  power  and  in- 
fluence of  Hus  that  in  such  a  condition  of  the  community, 
apart  from  some  instances  of  imprudence,  order  was 
generally  maintained.  He  preached  with  greater  power 
than  ever  to  the  crowds  that  thronged  his  chapel.  He 
dared  not  be  silent.  The  power  of  his  sermons  over  the 
throngs  that  pressed  to  hear  him  was  incalculable.  He 
did  not  hesitate,  it  is  true,  to  condemn  the  conduct  of  the 
archbishop.  His  words  thrilled  the  hearts  of  his  hearers 
as  he  exclaimed,  ' '  Fire  does  not  consume  truth.  It  is 
always  a  mark  of  a  little  mind  to  vent  anger  on  inanimate 
and  uninjurious  objects." 

Furthermore,  he  and  his  adherents  held,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  time,  a  great  disputation  at  the  uni- 


68  JOHN  HUS 

versity.  This,  in  protest  against  the  destruction  of  the 
writings  and  to  afford  opportunity  for  dignified  defense 
of  the  doctrines  they  contained.  Hus,  also,  issued  a 
treatise,  showing  the  futility  and  absurdity  of  such  de- 
struction of  books  that  had  much  good  in  them — a  method 
that  brought  only  discord  into  the  city.  But  the  Bo- 
hemian reformer  did  nothing  rash.  He  was  entangled  in 
no  fanatical  demonstration.  Amid  feverish  excitement, 
he  stood  firm  as  a  rock  and  his  work  went  on. 

Hus  Disregards  a  Summons  to  Rome.  While 
Prague  was  thus  agitated,  the  appeal  of  Hus  reached 
Eome.  The  reformer  had  appealed  from  the  archbishop 
to  the  pope,  as  Paul  had  appealed  from  Festus  to  Caesar. 
There  was  as  little  hope  of  justice  in  the  one  case  as  in 
the  other.  Since  Alexander  V  had  died,  the  appeal 
came  before  the  infamous  Pope  John  XXIII.  It  was 
supported  by  letters  from  the  king  and  the  queen,  from 
nobles  and  learned  men  of  Bohemia.  To  a  man  like 
John  XXIII,  who  had  no  very  firm  opinions  in  matters 
of  religion,  it  must  have  seemed  that  people  in  the  north 
were  taking  a  trifle  very  seriously.  However,  he  went 
through  the  formality  of  referring  the  appeal  to  a  com- 
mission of  cardinals.  So  important  did  they  consider 
the  case  that  they  invited  the  theological  faculties  of  the 
Universities  of  Bologna,  Paris  and  Oxford  to  advise  with 
the  commission  in  the  proper  disposal  of  the  writings. 
The  majority  of  this  conference  thought  ill  of  the  arch- 
bishop's plan  of  burning  the  books.  Before  they  could 
reach  any  further  conclusion,  a  deputation  from  Arch- 
bishop Zbynek  to  the  pope  induced  that  worthy  to  take 
the  whole  matter  out  of  the  hands  of  the  commission  and 
entrust  it  to  a  single  member  of  that  body.  Cardinal 
Colonna.  He  sided  with  the  archbishop.  He  not  only 
approved  all  that  had  been  done  but  urged  further  re- 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  59 

pressive  measures.  The  appeal  of  Hus  fell  to  the  ground. 
He  was  required  within  a  certain  time  to  appear  at  Rome 
and  defend  himself  before  the  pope.  The  clouds  were 
thickening  over  Hus. 

The  position  of  Hus  in  consequence  of  this  summons 
was  a  difficult  one.  His  friends,  king  and  peasant,  no- 
bles and  university  men,  indignantly  protested  against 
the  injustice  of  it.  It  meant  a  journey  of  twelve  hundred 
miles.  It  would  be  through  regions  swarming  with  his 
personal  enemies.  His  supporters  joined  in  dissuading 
him  from  going  to  Italy.  This  alone  would  not  have 
prevented  him  from  doing  so.  But  while  he  had  no  fears 
of  a  martyr's  fate,  he  was  no  fanatical  aspirant  for  mar- 
tyrdom. There  were  weighty  considerations  against  his 
obeying  the  summons.  He  could  not  see  that  any  ad- 
vantage was  to  be  gained  by  the  Bohemian  Church  and 
the  party  of  reform  by  his  appearing  before  John  XXIII. 
He  was  acquainted  with  the  character  of  that  pope  and 
knew  what  might  be  expected  from  him  by  a  man  who 
had  spoken  so  strongly  against  the  vices  of  the  clergy 
as  Hus  had  done.  He  would  have  to  use  money  others 
were  willing  to  supply  for  the  journey  but  which  he  as  a 
conscientious  man  felt  should  go  to  the  poor.  He  would 
be  obliged  for  some  time  to  desert  his  congregation.  As 
a  cool  and  determined  Christian,  therefore,  he  decided  not 
to  go.  He  was  a  genuine  Christian  confessor  who  seeks 
not,  but  accepts,  if  it  comes,  the  martyr's  crown. 

Having  reached  this  decision,  he  sent  representatives, 
Master  John  of  Jesenice,  a  doctor  of  theology,  and  two 
younger  theologians.  But  they  were  not  able  to  accom- 
plish anything  in  his  behalf.  When  the  term  fixed  for 
his  personal  appearance  had  expired,  the  decree  of  ex- 
communication was  issued  against  him.  This  decree  was 
published  in  nearly  all  the  parish  churches  of  Prague,  in 
March,  1411. 


60  JOHN  HUS 

Letter  from  an  English  Wyclifite.  Hus  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  the  decree  and  continued  preaching.  He  declared 
that  he  would  obey  God  rather  than  man.  He  felt  no 
awe  of  an  unrighteous  excommunication.  While  some 
friends  now  deserted  him,  others  drew  closer  to  him.  At 
about  this  time,  Hus  received  a  cheering  letter  from  an 
English  Wyclifite.  Interesting  in  itself,  it  is  another 
proof  that  events  in  Bohemia  were  beginning  to  attract 
wide  attention  in  Europe.  In  this  letter  of  encourage- 
ment, the  writer,  Kichard  Wyche,  gives  evidence  of  sur- 
prisingly accurate  knowledge  of  affairs  in  Bohemia.  Hus 
took  it  into  the  pulpit  and  read  it  to  his  congregation. 
Coming  from  so  distant  a  country  as  England,  it  was  re- 
ceived with  great  enthusiasm  by  the  large  number  of 
people  assembled.  In  his  reply  to  Wyche,  Hus  states 
that  ten  thousand  must  have  been  present.  Many  of 
these  evidently  were  crowded  about  the  doors  to  catch  as 
much  as  possible  of  the  preacher's  words.  The  answer 
of  Hus  was  couched  in  fervent  language.  He  assured  the 
Church  of  Christ  in  England  that  the  king,  queen,  lords, 
knights  and  common  people  in  the  cities  and  throughout 
the  country  of  Bohemia  were  holding  fast  by  the  true 
doctrine.  One  passage  in  the  letter  gives  an  idea  of  the 
strength  of  the  movement  for  church  reform  in  Bohemia. 
Hus  writes,  ''Know,  dearest  brother,  that  our  people 
will  hear  nothing  but  Holy  Scripture,  particularly  the 
evangels  and  epistles,  and  whenever  in  a  city  or  town, 
cottage  or  castle,  a  preacher  of  holy  truth  appears,  the 
people  flock  together,  despising  the  evilly- disposed 
clergy.'^ 

The  Interdict.  All  this  was  maddening  to  the  arch- 
bishop. And  he  was  further  irritated  when  the  king 
ordered  that  certain  estates  and  houses  in  Prague  belong- 
ing to  the  archbishop  should  be  taken  and  sold,  the  re- 


HUS  AND  THE  ARCHBISHOP  61 

ceipts  to  make  good  the  losses  of  those  who  had  been 
deprived  of  their  books.  Driven  to  extremity,  the  arch- 
bishop proclaimed  an  interdict  over  the  city  of  Prague 
and  its  immediate  neighbourhood.  The  interdict  was 
one  of  the  most  powerful  and  dreaded  weapons  of  the 
Romish  Church.  It  was  a  kind  of  public  excommunica- 
tion of  the  entire  city  and  its  surroundings.  While  it 
lasted,  no  person,  other  than  a  priest,  beggar  or  child  under 
twelve  could  receive  Christian  burial  or  be  taken  to  another 
diocese  for  burial.  There  could  be  no  public  service  in 
the  churches,  no  church  bells  could  be  rung  and  mass 
could  be  said  only  behind  closed  doors.  Communion 
could  be  administered  only  to  the  dying,  weddings  could 
not  be  performed.  A  general  appearance  of  mourning 
and  fasting  had  to  be  assumed  by  the  populace. 

Defeat  of  the  Archbishop.  This  terrible  weapon 
brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  The  king  now  authorita- 
tively interfered.  He  appointed  a  commission  to  which 
the  whole  matter  was  referred.  Both  parties  pledged 
themselves  to  submit  to  its  decision.  It  seems  strange, 
by  reason  of  their  determined  hostility,  that  the  arch- 
bishop and  the  pope,  on  their  part,  should  have  been 
willing  to  do  this.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  The 
pope  was  not  just  then  a  free  agent,  because  of  political 
and  religious  complications.  The  schism  had  not  yet 
been  healed.  Two  rival  popes  were  still  in  the  field. 
John  XXIII  could  not  risk  offending  the  King  of  Bohemia, 
who  was  a  friend  of  Hus.  Knowing  that  he  would  have 
to  work  very  cautiously  at  the  undoing  of  the  Bohemian 
reformer,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  pope  advised  the 
archbishop  to  make  his  peace  with  the  king.  The  king 
and  the  commission  acted  with  great  prudence  in  the 
matter.  As  a  result  of  their  deliberation,  an  agreement 
was  formed,  which  in  less  troublous  times  would  have 


62  JOHN  HUS 

restored  to  Bohemia  a  lasting  peace,  such  as  that  country 
greatly  needed.  Among  other  provisions  of  the  docu- 
ment, it  was  stated  that  the  archbishop  should  withdraw 
the  interdict  and  that  both  parties  should  recall  their 
representatives  at  the  papal  court  and  desist  from  further 
lawsuits.  Besides,  the  archbishop  was  to  write  a  letter 
to  the  pope,  stating  that  the  differences  between  himself 
and  Hus  had  been  arranged  and  that  no  more  errors  pre- 
vailed in  Bohemia. 

For  some  reason,  the  letter  never  reached  the  pope. 
But  this  had  no  influence  on  the  situation.  The  arch- 
bishop soon  considered  that  he  had  new  causes  of 
complaint.  He  found  occasion  to  administer  a  feeble 
reprimand  to  Hus  on  account  of  some  of  his  utterances. 
He  saw  that  he  continued  to  be  unpopular  in  Prague. 
His  complaints  to  the  king  were  unheeded.  He  retired 
from  the  city  a  broken-hearted  man.  He  died  a  few 
months  later.  Zbynek's  death  was  followed  by  a  brief 
moment  of  calm.  It  seemed  to  be  the  longed-for  peace. 
But  it  was  only  a  lull  in  the  storm,  which  soon  burst 
forth  with  greater  fury  than  ever. 


TV 
THE  PEEIOD  OF  STEIFE :  HUS  AND  THE  POPE 

CAUSE  of  Renewed  Strife.  For  some  months 
peace  continued.  The  storm  seemed  to  have 
spent  its  strength.  The  royal  commission  had 
given  its  decision  early  in  July,  1411,  and  the  archbishop 
had  died  in  September  of  the  same  year.  Only  one 
incident,  belonging  to  this  brief,  undisturbed  period,  is 
recorded.  Two  English  envoys,  bound  for  Hungary  on 
a  diplomatic  mission,  stopped  in  Prague.  With  one  of 
these,  John  Stokes,  Hus  had  some  discussion  about  the 
doctrines  of  Wyclif.  But  this  interested  only  the  masters 
and  students  of  the  university.  Before  the  year  was  out, 
however,  events  occurred  which  gave  a  new  aspect  and  a 
deeper  interest  to  the  struggle  in  which  Hus  was  engaged. 
Events  in  distant  Italy  brought  on  a  crisis  which  was 
more  serious  than  any  of  the  former  disturbances  in 
Bohemia.  Soon  after  becoming  pope,  John  XXIII 
strove,  with  all  his  power,  to  carve  out  of  Italy  a 
territory  over  which  the  pope  might  exercise  temporal 
dominion.  Here  he  found  a  dangerous  antagonist  in 
Ladislas,  King  of  Naples,  a  wily  adventurer  not  unlike 
Pope  John  himself.  Ladislas  invaded  the  territory  in 
question  and  threatened  Rome,  where  Pope  John  had 
established  his  residence.  The  pope  then  decided  to 
proclaim  a  crusade  against  Ladislas.  The  name  crusade 
(war  of  the  cross  or  holy  war)  had  long  been  misused. 
Of  noble  origin,  it  had  often  been  applied  to  very  un- 
holy and  worldly  warfare  waged  by  ambitious  popes 
against  princes  and  kings,  in  order  to  give  an  impression 

63 


64  JOHN  HUS 

of  sanctity.  So  it  was  in  this  case.  In  December,  1411, 
the  pope  published  a  bull  against  Ladislas,  pronouncing 
a  curse  upon  him  in  most  awful  terms  and  calling  upon 
all  Christendom  to  join  in  the  crusade  against  him. 
This  bull  was  to  be  read  in  the  churches  every  Sunday. 
It  granted  plenary  indulgence  (forgiveness  of  sins)  to 
all  who  took  part  in  the  war  or  contributed  towards  the 
expenses  of  the  campaign.  This  act  of  the  pope  was  to 
kindle  anew  the  smouldering  fire  of  controversy  at  Prague.; 

Hus  and  the  Sale  of  Indulgences.  A  papal  legate 
arrived  in  the  city,  in  the  spring  of  1412.  He  brought 
the  sacred  pallium — a  vestment  sent  by  the  pope  as  a 
token  of  authority — to  Archbishop  Albik,  the  successor 
of  Zbynek.  He  was,  also,  to  publish  the  bull  of  the  pope 
against  Ladislas.  He  suspected  that  Hus  might  oppose  the 
measure.  Yet  it  was  highly  important  for  the  success  of 
the  sale  of  indulgences,  the  practical  plan  to  raise  funds 
for  the  crusade,  that  the  great  preacher  should  not  do  so. 
Hus  was,  therefore,  brought  before  the  legate. 

"  Will  you  obey  the  apostolical  mandates  ? "  asked  the 
legate. 

Hus  did  not  hesitate.  ^'  I  am  ready  with  all  my  heart 
to  obey  the  apostolical  mandates. " 

"  Do  you  see  V^  said  the  gratified  legate  to  those  stand- 
ing by.  "The  master  is  quite  ready  to  obey  the  apostol- 
ical mandates." 

^  *  My  lord,  ^ '  replied  Hus,  ' '  understand  me  well.  I  said  I 
am  ready  with  all  my  heart  to  obey  the  apostolical  man- 
dates. But  I  call  apostolical  mandates  the  doctrines  of  the 
apostles  of  Christ ;  and  so  far  as  the  papal  mandates  agree 
with  these,  so  far  will  I  obey  them  most  willingly.  But  if 
I  see  anything  in  them  at  variance  with  these,  I  shall  not 
obey,  even  though  the  stake  were  staring  me  in  the  face.'' 

It  was  plain  that  Hus  was  not  disposed  to  pass  the 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  65 

matter  over  in  silence.  He  would  take  his  full  share  in 
a  discussion  that  was  to  agitate  the  kingdom.  In  conse- 
quence, we  must  consider  him  as  occupying  a  new  posi- 
tion, one  that  was  more  difficult  than  any  he  had  occupied 
before.  He  was  to  come  into  direct  conflict  with  the 
pope.  He  was  to  question  papal  authority,  refute  papal 
logic,  expose  papal  baseness  and  iniquity.  In  his  past 
efforts  he  had  not  had  occasion  to  oppose  the  pope  per- 
sonally. He  had  recognized  him  as  the  head  of  the 
Church,  appealed  to  him,  addressed  him  in  respectful 
language  and  shown  him  due  reverence.  Such  a  position 
was  no  longer  possible.  He  had  entered  more  deeply 
into  the  whole  subject  of  the  authority  of  the  pope.  As  a 
reformer  by  nature  and  by  the  call  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  as 
a  public  and  influential  man,  he  felt  impelled  to  resist  the 
evil  tendencies  of  the  priestly  rule  system  wherever  they 
appeared.  His  soul  revolted  at  the  sale  of  the  indulgences. 
His  duty  to  Christ  and  the  Church  required  that  he 
should  express  his  abhorrence. 

He  knew  the  risk.  He  knew  that  he  was  staking  his 
life  on  the  venture.  He  knew  that  some  of  his  friends 
would  desert  him.  He  knew  that  to  arouse  the  papacy, 
even  though  it  had  lost  much  of  its  power,  was  to  rouse 
a  dragon  breathing  fire  and  smoke.  Moreover,  he  knew 
that  he  could  no  longer  rely  on  the  powerful  external  aid 
he  had  thus  far  enjoyed.  In  spite  of  bitter  conflicts  and 
the  hatred  of  the  priests,  he  had  thus  far  been  strong  in  the 
affections  of  the  people  and  his  cause  had  received  the 
support  of  the  king.  Now  conditions  had  changed. 
The  archbishop  and  the  king  were  ranged  together. 
Both  acknowledged  John  XXIII  as  the  true  pope.  In 
these  circumstances,  so  different  from  any  in  which  he 
had  previously  been  placed,  his  courage  was  to  be  put 
more  severely  to  the  test.  Should  he  speak  or  keep 
silence  ?    In  this  emergency  that  thus  arose,  Hus  did  not 


66  JOHN  HUS 

falter.  He  did  not  tremble  to  speak  his  convictions.; 
With  him  obedience  to  Christ  stood  first  in  importance. 
The  limit  of  obedience  to  all  authority  was  to  be  deter- 
mined by  this  rule.  The  bull  required  what  was  directly 
opposed  to  the  law  of  Christ.  He  could  not  obey  the 
bull.  He  could  not  break  his  rule — to  obey  God  rather 
than  man.  This  rule  puts  Hus  upon  the  roll  of  heroes. 
It  was  the  rule  of  the  apostles  when  they  were  haled  be- 
fore the  Sanhedrim  at  Jerusalem.  It  was  the  rule  of 
Socrates  when  faciug  the  judges  of  Athens,  of  Paul  before 
Felix  and  Agrippa,  of  Luther  at  the  Diet  of  Worms. 

Doctrine  of  Indulgences.  For  an  understanding  of 
the  conflict  in  which  Hus  now  engaged,  a  word  is  in  order 
concerning  the  difficult  and  complicated  doctrine  of  in- 
dulgences. This  is  peculiar  to  the  Eoman  Church.  It 
was  developed  in  medieval  times  and  sanctioned  by  the 
Council  of  Trent  (1563).  In  Eoman  legal  language,  in- 
dulgentia  is  a  term  for  remission  of  punishment.  In 
churchly  language,  an  indulgence  means  the  remission  of 
the  temporal  (not  the  eternal)  punishment  of  sin  (not  of 
sin  itself),  on  condition  of  penitence  and  the  payment  of 
money  to  the  Church  or  to  some  charitable  object.  The 
doctrine  in  its  most  plausible  form  is  stated  by  a  Eoman- 
ist  writer  thus,  ' '  It  is  a  releasing,  by  the  power  of  the 
keys  committed  to  the  Church,  the  debt  of  temporal  pun- 
ishment which  may  remain  due  upon  account  of  our  sins, 
after  the  sins  themselves,  as  to  the  guilt  and  eternal 
punishment,  have  been  already  remitted  by  repentance 
and  confession. "  The  practice  of  indulgences  grew  out 
of  the  custom  of  northern  and  western  barbarians  to  sub- 
stitute a  money  fine  for  punishment  of  an  offense.  The 
Church  favoured  this  custom  in  civil  matters,  in  order  to 
avoid  bloodshed,  but  it  did  wrong  in  applying  it  to  relig- 
ious offenses. 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  6Y 

In  further  explauatioD,  it  may  be  said  that  the  system 
of  the  indulgences  was  connected  with  the  Eomish  doc- 
trine of  penance.  Penance  includes  contrition  of  the 
heart,  confession  by  the  mouth  and  satisfaction  by  good 
works,  such  as  prayer,  fasting,  almsgiving,  pilgrimages. 
God  alone  forgives  the  eternal  punishment  of  sin.  But 
the  sinner  has  to  bear  the  temporal  punishments,  either  in 
this  life  or  in  purgatory,  and  these  punishments  are  under 
control  of  the  Church  or  the  priesthood.  Thus,  it  ap- 
pears that  the  idea  fitted  in  very  well  with  the  Eomish 
theory  of  priestly  rule.  And  however  revolting  it  ap- 
pears to  sound  moral  feeling,  the  theory  of  it  is  not  as 
dreadful  as  the  practice  has  sometimes  been.  In  theory, 
indulgences  were  to  be  granted  only  to  the  penitent,  and 
they  were  to  cover  only  the  third  element  of  penance, 
namely,  satisfaction  by  good  works.  But  ignorant  and 
superstitious  people  did  not  make  these  fine  distinctions 
set  forth  in  the  Latin  statement  of  the  doctrine.  In  prac- 
tice, men  do  not  sin  in  Latin.  Pope  John's  indulgences 
were  regarded  as  the  selling  of  permission  to  sin,  or  the 
buying  of  pardon  for  transgressions.  The  people  looked 
upon  them  as  covering  all  the  elements  of  the  sacrament 
of  penance.  And  unscrupulous  sellers  of  indulgences  left 
them  under  that  impression. 

Sale  of  the  Indulgences.  Such  a  person  was  the 
man  Venceslas  Tiem,  to  whom  the  pope  entrusted  the  sale 
of  indulgences  in  Bohemia.  He  arrived  in  May,  1412. 
He  was  utterly  unfit  for  the  task.  His  behaviour — like 
that  of  Tetzel,  who  a  century  later  sold  indulgences  in  the 
days  of  Luther— was  bound  to  cause  trouble.  He  took 
little  notice  of  the  restrictions  imposed  on  him  by  the 
archbishop  and  others.  The  traffic  in  indulgences  he 
carried  on  in  the  manner  that  would  give  him  the  largest 
profits  and  enable  him  to  send  the  largest  sums  to  Italy. 


68  JOHN  HUS 

The  sale  was  soon  in  full  swing.  Money  chests  were  set 
up  in  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Vitus,  in  the  Thein  Church 
and  in  the  Church  on  the  Vysehrad,  the  most  important 
churches  in  Prague.  Other  places  in  the  towns  and  in 
the  country  were  assigned  to  middlemen — worthless 
priests,  because  worthy  men  were  not  suitable  for  the  un- 
holy trade — who  had  to  consign  to  Tiem  a  fixed  sum, 
while  they  were  at  liberty  to  obtain  as  great  a  profit  as 
they  could  by  the  sale  of  the  indulgences.  These  men 
bargained  shamelessly  with  faithful  but  ignorant  people. 

Hus  Opposes  the  Traffic.  It  was  impossible  that 
this  iniquitous  procedure  should  not  ro^se  indignation 
among  worthy  and  thoughtful  citizens  of  the  country. 
Hus  at  once  entered  the  lists.  He  protested  from  his  pul- 
pit and  in  the  lecture  room  against  the  sale  of  the  indul- 
gences. He  dared  to  say  what  he  thought  of  a  measure 
which  transgressed  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Gospel  and  scandalized  all  Christian  minds.  His  sermons 
on  the  subject  were  bold  and  evangelical.  In  one  of  them 
he  says,  *'  From  all  this  it  appears,  dear  Christian,  that  a 
man  can  receive  the  pardon  of  his  sins  only  through  the 
power  of  God  and  by  the  merits  of  Christ.  Let  who  will 
proclaim  the  contrary,  let  the  pope,  or  a  bishop,  or  a 
priest  say  :  '  I  forgive  thee  thy  sins,  I  absolve  thee  from 
their  penalty,  I  free  thee  from  the  pains  of  hell ' — it  is  all 
vain  and  helps  thee  nothing.  God  alone,  I  repeat,  can 
forgive  sins  through  Christ,  and  He  pardons  the  penitent 
only." 

He  was  not  content  to  make  vague  declarations  or 
preach  single  sermons  on  the  subject.  He  wished  to  set 
forth  a  clear,  convincing  statement  of  his  convictions. 
He  placarded  theses  on  church  doors,  announcing  that  he 
would  hold  a  public  disputation  on  the  indulgences  in 
the  large  hall  of  the  university.     Priests,  monks  and 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  69 

teachers  were  challenged  to  meet  him  with  their  objec- 
tions. The  disputation  took  place  on  June  17,  1412.  It 
was  a  grand  occasion.  An  immense  throng  responded  to 
the  announcement.  Even  the  common  people  crowded 
in  to  listen  to  the  arguments  of  their  favourite  preacher, 
and  to  feast  their  eyes  on  the  manly  bearing  of  one  who, 
for  Christ's  sake  and  their  own,  dared  to  question  and 
deny  the  authority  of  the  pope.  The  question  discussed 
was,  ^'  Whether  it  was  permissible  and  exi^edient,  ac- 
cording to  the  law  of  Christ,  to  the  glory  of  God,  the  sal- 
vation of  Christian  people  that  the  bulls  of  the  pope 
concerning  the  raising  the  cross  against  Ladislas,  King 
of  Apulia,  and  his  accomplices  be  commended  to  the 
faithful  in  Christ. "  The  meeting  was  somewhat  stormy. 
The  address  of  Hus  was  a  ^ '  model  of  acute  and  striking 
argumentation,'^  and  proved  conclusively  that  the  papal 
bull  ran  counter  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  was  an  out- 
rage upon  Christianity.  It  showed  that  Hus  had  gone 
to  the  root  of  the  matter.  He  knew  his  ground,  had 
taken  his  stand  and  was  prepared  for  the  consequences. 
The  majority  of  the  theologians,  however,  came  to  the 
sage  and  safe  conclusion  that  it  was  not  their  business  to 
inquire  into  the  value  of  the  papal  letters.  They  would 
receive  the  bull  as  obedient  sous  and  not  commit  them- 
selves to  any  decision.  Palec,  a  former  close  friend,  after 
waveriug  a  short  time  in  the  dispute  over  the  indul- 
gences, went  over  to  the  other  camp.  The  last  word  Hus 
said  to  him  was,  '' Palec  is  my  friend.  Truth  is  my  friend  : 
of  the  two  it  were  only  right  to  honour  Truth  most." 
Henceforth,  Palec  was  a  bitter  enemy  of  Hus.  Other 
friends,  also,  became  unsparing  foes. 

Demonstration  Against  Indulgences.  Hus  was  dis- 
satisfied with  the  tame  and  cowardly  conclusion  of  the 
university  men.     He  felt  for  the  honour  of  the  law  of 


70  JOHN  HUS 

God,  for  the  cause  of  his  native  land,  for  the  souls  of  his 
countrymen.  He  saw  in  the  act  of  the  pope  abuse  of 
sacred  interests.  His  spirit  glowed  with  the  resolute 
purpose  to  unmask  the  false  pretensions  and  evil  prin- 
ciples of  the  crusade  and  the  indulgences.  Yet  he  spoke 
and  acted  quietly  as  well  as  firmly.  On  this,  as  on  other 
occasions,  his  moderation  appears  strikingly  as  an  ele- 
ment of  his  strength.  He  avoided  everything  calculated 
to  excite  his  hearers.  His  friends  did  not  always  do  the 
same.  Their  well-meant  but  heated  zeal  did  much  to 
complicate  matters  that  were  already  sufficiently  difficult 
for  him.  Such  was  the  course  adopted  by  Jerome  of 
Prague.  An  able,  brilliant  and  brave  man,  he  was  the 
stormy  petrel  of  the  reform  movement.  At  the  disputa- 
tion he  delivered  a  speech  which  roused  the  feelings  of  the 
students  and  others  to  the  highest  pitch.  In  the  evening 
bodies  of  students  escorted  him  home  in  triumph.  Popu- 
lar demonstrations  followed.  In  these  Hus  was  not  con- 
cerned. They  must  have  been  very  painful  to  his  truly 
pious  mind.  A  mock  procession  was  got  up.  A  student, 
disguised  as  a  woman  of  low  character,  was  placed  in  a 
chariot.  He  had  round  his  neck  and  arms  silver  bells 
which  rang  continuously.  In  front  of  him  was  placed  a 
large  sheet  of  paper  to  which  were  attached  leaden  seals, 
giving  it  the  appearance  of  a  papal  bull.  He  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  great  crowd  of  students  and  townfolk.  Many 
carried  sticks  and  even  swords.  The  procession  wound 
its  way  through  the  principal  streets,  the  guards  pro- 
claiming, ^'We  are  carrying  the  writings  of  a  heretic 
to  the  stake. '^  In  the  Charles  Square  the  documents 
imitating  the  papal  bulls  were  placed  under  an  impro- 
vised gallows  and  burnt  amid  the  applause  of  the  crowd. 
This  foolish  freak  was  intended  to  mimic  the  burning  of 
Wyclif's  works  by  the  archbishop.  It  fanned  the  flame 
of  public  excitement  to  a  fiercer  heat. 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  71 

First  Martyrs  of  the  Bohemian  Reformation.  A  far 
more  serious  affair  was  that  of  the  Three  Martyrs.  Ou 
the  day  after  the  burning  of  the  papal  bulls,  several 
young  men  determined  that  the  ignorance  and  iniquity 
of  the  clergy  should  be  exposed.  They  resolved  to  visit 
the  churches  generally  and  contradict  every  priest  who 
should  preach  the  indulgences.  Public  opinion  was  so 
irritated  by  the  traffic  that  when  these  young  students 
and  artisans  carried  out  their  purpose,  parts  of  the  con- 
gregations in  the  larger  churches  joined  in  the  protest. 
They  told  the  priests  in  the  midst  of  their  discourses  that 
they  lied  and  that  Master  Hus  had  taught  them  better. 
Three  of  the  young  men,  considered  to  be  the  leaders,  were 
arrested  and  brought  to  the  town  hall  of  the  city.  The 
magistrates  sided  with  the  papal  party.  They  deter- 
mined to  frighten  the  populace  by  vigorous  action.  They 
condemned  the  young  men  to  death. 

When  Hus  heard  of  this,  he  went  to  the  town  hall,  at 
the  head  of  some  two  thousand  masters  and  students, 
begging  that  the  lives  of  the  young  men  might  be  spared. 
He  said  that  he  did  not  approve  of  their  course  but  it 
was  the  outgrowth  of  his  teachings  and  that  he  alone 
must  bear  the  blame.  As  a  great  concourse  of  people 
gathered  round  the  council- house,  the  magistrates  be- 
came alarmed.  After  conferring  together,  they  assured 
Hus  that  nothing  would  be  done  to  the  young  men. 
With  a  word  from  Hus,  the  council-house  might  have 
been  stormed  and  the  prisoners  released.  But  he  was 
opposed  to  violence.  The  innate  goodness  of  his  own 
nature  and  his  ready  confidence  in  the  goodness  of  others 
prompted  him  to  accept  the  promise  of  the  magistrates. 
He  made  known  the  decision  to  the  people  and  persuaded 
them  to  disperse. 

Scarcely  had  they  gone,  when  a  scornful  laugh  passed 
around  the  council  table.     The  councillors  ordered  the 


72  JOHN  HUS 

executioners  to  lead  the  young  men  aside  and  behead 
them.  The  foul  deed  could  not  long  remain  a  secret. 
The  people,  again,  rushed  together  from  every  side.  The 
bodies  were  found.  A  noble  lady  spread  fine  linen  over 
them.  Many  other  women  dipped  their  handkerchiefs 
in  the  blood  of  the  martyrs.  The  bodies  were  borne  in 
solemn  procession  to  the  Bethlehem  Chapel,  a  great  train 
of  mourners  following.  There  with  the  chanting  of  the 
hymn,  "  Isti  sunt  sancti,"  and  the  ^'mass  of  martyrs'^ 
the  dead  were  buried.  Hus  appears  not  to  have  been 
present  at  the  funeral.  Overwhelmed  with  grief  at  the 
melancholy  issue  of  the  affair,  he  gave  himself  up  to  re- 
tirement and  sorrow.  Only  after  the  lapse  of  some  days, 
when  he  had  somewhat  revived  from  his  grief,  did  he 
preach  a  funeral  sermon  in  memory  of  the  young  men. 
Doubtless,  his  feelings  were  like  those  of  Luther,  when 
the  first  two  martyrs  fell  in  the  time  of  the  Eeformation, 
one  hundred  and  twelve  years  later.  The  greatness  of 
Hus  appears  in  this  that  he  continued  to  maintain  his 
attitude  of  moderation,  even  after  this  judicial  murder  of 
the  three  young  men.  On  the  Sunday  succeeding  the  sad 
affair,  Hus  preached  as  usual  in  the  Bethlehem  Chapel. 
He  made  no  allusion  to  the  events  of  the  past  week. 
Ignoble  adversaries  declared  that  he  had  been  frightened 
into  silence.  His  motives  were  very  different.  He  knew 
that  a  large  number  of  soldiers  had  been  gathered  in  the 
town  to  suppress  possible  disturbances  and  riots.  And 
while  he  always  cherished  feelings  of  loyalty  towards 
King  Venceslas,  he,  also,  knew  to  what  sudden  move- 
ments of  fury  he  was  subject.  An  order  from  the  king, 
on  the  slightest  provocation,  might  have  caused  a  terribly 
murderous  struggle  in  the  streets.  One  word  of  Hus  from 
the  pulpit  would  have  brought  on  a  desperate  conflict. 
Through  his  silence  such  a  catastrophe  was  averted. 
Many  of  the  Praguers  caught  the  spirit  of  their  leader 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  73 

and,  at  this  time,  behaved  themselves  with  studious  mod- 
eration. Fine  testimony  to  the  influence  of  Hus  as  the 
leader  of  his  people. 

Foreign  Correspondence  of  Hus.  The  influence  of 
Hus  as  a  leader  of  the  people  of  Bohemia  was  widely  as 
well  as  strongly  exercised.  This  is  shown  by  a  letter 
which  the  reformer  wrote  in  these  very  stormy  days., 
\Shortly  after  his  disputation  in  the  great  hall  of  the  uni- 
versity, Hus  wrote  to  the  King  of  Poland.  This  letter, 
breathing  intense  hatred  of  the  whole  system  of  church 
abuses,  is  an  illustration  of  how  far-reaching  was  the  in- 
fluence of  Hus.  His  patriotic  efforts  to  increase  the 
power  and  importance  of  his  country  aimed,  as  far  as  cir- 
cumstances permitted,  to  establish  friendly  relations  with 
foreign  countries.  Materials  regarding  this  phase  of  his 
activity  are  scant.  But  the  few  documents  or  notices  that 
have  come  to  light  are  significant.  Keference  has  already 
been  made  to  the  correspondence  of  Hus  with  an  English 
follower  of  Wyclif.  A  recent  Bohemian  writer  asserts 
that  Hus  wrote,  also,  to  Lord  Cobham,  begging  him  to 
send  copies  of  Wyclif  s  writings.  This  intercourse  with 
England  was  purely  theological  and  led  to  no  political 
consequences.  Hus's  relations  with  the  Slavic  countries, 
as  Liitzow  states,  had  political  results,  some  of  which 
reached  into  the  period  after  the  death  of  Hus.  Thus, 
the  prominent  part  played  by  the  Poles  in  the  Hussite 
Wars  is  foreshadowed  in  the  cordial  relations  which  Hus 
established  with  King  Vladislav  of  Poland.  Two  years 
before  the  time  of  the  letter  mentioned  above,  Hus  had 
already  written  to  this  monarch.  Then,  in  1410,  King 
Vladislav  had  won  a  decisive  victory  over  the  Teutonic 
Order,  which  broke  its  power  for  all  time.  The  king  had 
sent  messengers  of  victory  to  sovereigns  and,  also,  to  men 
of  prominence  in  Bohemia.     It  goes  to  prove  that  the 


74  JOHN  HUS 

fame  of  Hus  was  then  already  widely  spread  in  Slavic 
countries  "  that  such  a  messenger  should  have  been  sent 
to  him  as  the  leader  of  the  national  party  in  Bohemia." 
Hus  sent  a  congratulatory  letter  in  reply.  This  has 
recently  been  found  and  published.  In  it  Hus  expresses 
a  wish  to  meet  the  king  and  visit  Poland — doubtless,  in 
the  interest  of  church  reform.  He,  further,  entreats  the 
King  of  Poland  to  live  on  good  terms  with  King  Sigismund 
of  HuDgary.  (King  Sigismund,  however,  attacked  Po- 
land, so  that  Hus  was  not  successful  in  his  attempt  to  pre- 
vent hostilities  between  the  two  monarchs.)  Two  years 
later,  during  the  time  of  the  disturbances  in  Prague  over 
the  sale  of  the  indulgences,  Hus  wrote  the  second  time  to 
King  Vladislav.  He  begins  by  expressing  joy  over  the 
reestablishment  of  peace  with  King  Sigismund.  Then, 
very  clearly,  he  tells  his  hopes  with  regard  to  church  re- 
form and  the  suppression  of  abuses.  These  interesting 
letters  show  that  it  was  Hus  who  first  established  friendly 
relations  between  the  two  Slavic  countries,  Poland  and 
Bohemia.  He  hoped  that  they  would  be  able  jointly  to 
destroy  the  terrible  evils  from  which  the  Church  suffered. 
The  Slav  peoples  did  rally  to  such  a  cause,  which  to 
them  was  almost  as  much  national  as  religious.  Doubt- 
less, as  a  consequence  of  this  correspondence  of  Hus  with 
the  King  of  Poland,  the  ambassadors  of  Vladislav  en- 
deavoured, so  far  as  their  diplomatic  position  permitted, 
to  save  Hus  at  Constance.  Vladislav  kept  up  friendly 
relations  with  the  Bohemian  church  reformers,  ''  who  at 
one  time  offered  him  the  Bohemian  crown." 

In  Prague  and  Bohemia,  Hus  became  increasiDgly 
popular  through  his  fearless  stand  and  diversified  activ- 
ity. His  position  against  the  sale  of  indulgences  marks  a 
turning  point  in  the  history  of  the  Bohemian  reformation. 
The  message  of  his  preaching,  teaching  and  writing  stood 
in  sharp  contrast  to  the  doctrine  and  practice  of  a  corrupt 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  76 

Church  that  could  couutenance  such  a  procedure  as  the 
sale  of  indulgeuces.  People  were  beiug  more  and  more 
enlightened  through  the  ministry  of  Hus.  While  friends 
deserted  him,  he  gained  many  new  supporters  among  the 
nobility  and  the  lower  classes.  The  tide  seemed  to  turn 
in  his  favour.  But  his  enemies  were  increasingly  active. 
They  made  use  of  every  argument  and  opportunity  to 
rouse  the  vast  power  of  the  Church  to  crush  him.  In 
course  of  this  year  of  disturbances  in  Prague,  1412,  the 
parish  priests  of  the  city  sent  to  the  pope  two  documents 
full  of  complaints  against  Hus.  To  their  former  griev- 
ances they  added  a  new  one.  Hus  had  blamed  the  pope's 
action  in  granting  indulgences.  With  this  charge  they 
were  more  successful  in  their  attack  on  Hus.  Moreover, 
they  found  a  wily  and  utterly  unscrupulous  agent  at  the 
pope's  court.  This  was  Michael  of  Deutschbrod,  generally 
known  as  Michael  de  Causis— the  pope  had  appointed  him 
procurator  de  causis  Jidei,  advocate  in  matters  of  faith. 
His  reputation  was  of  the  worst.  Once  a  parish  priest  in 
Bohemia,  he  had  neglected  his  duties  and  endeavoured  to 
obtain  money  by  means  fair  or  foul.  He  had  devised  for 
King  Venceslas  some  new  method  of  working  the  royal 
mines  and  then  had  absconded  with  the  money  entrusted 
to  him.  Guessing  shrewdly  that  his  money  and  his  cun- 
ning would  be  welcome,  he  then  offered  his  services  to 
Pope  John.  In  the  employ  of  that  master,  he  proved  a 
most  subtle  knave  and  serviceable  tool.  Eventually,  he 
was  one  of  the  chief  agents  in  bringing  about  the  martyr- 
dom of  Hus. 

Thanks  mainly  to  the  energy  of  this  notorious  Michael 
de  Causis,  the  cause  of  Hus  was  lost  at  the  papal  court, 
where  the  reformer's  representatives  were  still  pleading 
for  him  when  the  complaints  of  the  parish  clergy  arrived 
from  Prague.  A  papal  bull  was  published  excommuni- 
cating Hus  in  the  severest  form  known  to  the  papacy. 


76  JOHN  HUS 

The  great  curse  was  pronounced  upon  him.  No  man  was 
to  associate  with  him  ;  no  man  was  to  give  him  food  or 
drink  ;  no  man  was  to  grant  him  a  place  where  he  might 
rest  his  head  ;  wherever  he  stayed  religious  services  were 
to  cease  ;  in  case  of  his  death  he  was  not  to  receive  Chris- 
tian burial.  If  within  twenty-three  days  he  did  not 
yield,  he  was  to  be  excommunicated  *'  in  all  churches, 
monasteries  and  chapels "  with  the  usual  custom  of 
**  lighted  candles  extinguished  and  thrown  to  the  ground." 

The  enemies  of  Hus  do  not  seem  to  have  been  satisfied 
even  with  this.  Their  victory  at  the  papal  court  was  not 
sufficiently  complete.  Again  through  the  agency  of 
Michael  de  Causis,  a  bull  was  obtained  from  that  monster 
Pope  John  XXIII,  directed  especially  against  the  re- 
former. In  this  the  faithful  were  ordered  to  seize  the 
person  of  Hus  and  deliver  him  up  to  the  archbishop  to 
be  burned.  The  bull,  further^  decreed  that  the  Bethlehem 
Chapel,  '^  a  nest  of  heretics,"  should  be  torn  down  to  its 
foundations.  Besides,  the  interdict  was  again  proclaimed 
against  the  city.  This  time  it  was  carried  out  thoroughly, 
with  all  the  accompanying  horrors  that  terrified  devout 
Catholic  minds  in  those  days.  A  troop  of  German 
fanatics  attempted  to  seize  Hus  while  he  was  in  his  pul- 
pit. But  such  was  the  determined,  though  peaceful,  at- 
titude of  the  large  congregation  present  that  they  retired 
in  confusion.  Somewhat  later  Eomanist  citizens  attacked 
the  Chapel,  only  to  be  repulsed  by  adherents  of  Hus  who 
were  keeping  watch. 

In  view  of  these  furious  attacks,  Hus  prepared  a  digni- 
fied appeal  from  the  pope  to  Jesus  Christ,  the  supreme 
and  righteous  Judge  '^  who  is  neither  influenced  by  gifts 
nor  deceived  by  false  witnesses."  This  he  read  from  the 
pulpit  and  publicly  posted.  Since  he  thus  took  an  atti- 
tude of  open  opposition  to  the  highest  authorities  of  the 
Church,  the  question  may  be  asked,  why  did  he  persist  in 


HUS  AND  THE  POPE  77 

claiming  the  rights  of  a  member  of  the  Eoman  Catholic 
Church  1  Why  did  he  not  openly  break  off  all  connec- 
tion with  the  Church,  instead  of  trying  to  maintain  him- 
self as  a  member  in  good  standing  ?  The  best  answer  is 
that  in  those  days  of  schism,  of  quarrels  between  rival 
popes,  of  the  rising  of  new  ideas  as  to  final  authority, 
good  Catholics  everywhere  were  questioning  or  denying 
the  claims  of  the  papacy.  They  had  different  grounds 
for  doing  it.  Kone  of  them  did  it  quite  so  clearly  as  did 
Hus.  Amid  such  conflicts  of  opinion  and  because  of  the 
wars  of  the  popes,  councils  and  doctors,  he  cherished  with 
reason  the  hope  that  his  purer  and  more  Scriptural  views 
of  the  Church  might  have  some  chance  to  prevail  and  thus 
a  true  reform  be  brought  about  from  within. 

In  this  crisis  of  the  life  of  Hus,  the  masters  and  stu- 
dents of  the  university  stood  with  him,  almost  without 
exception.  There,  too,  his  influence  was  powerful. 
Only  eight  doctors  of  the  theological  faculty  united  in  op- 
posing him.  These  men,  including  Stanislas  and  Palec, 
the  former  friends  of  Hus,  made  two  attempts  in  disputa- 
tion to  subdue  him.  They  signally  failed.  Hus  was  too 
completely  armed  with  the  weapons  of  the  truth  and  used 
them  with  too  much  skill. 

-^ 

Hus  and  the  Interdict.  Meanwhile,  the  interdict  was 
mercilessly  enforced  in  the  city.  This  greatly  troubled 
the  mind  of  Hus.  Those  who  thought  with  him  simply 
disregarded  the  interdict.  But  a  large  part  of  the 
Catholic  population  was  compelled  to  observe  the  papal 
commands  and  suffered  great  inconvenience.  Hus  was  in 
doubt  whether  he  should  leave  the  city  for  a  time  or  re- 
main there.  After  some  consideration,  he  concluded  that 
it  would  be  wiser  to  withdraw  temporarily  from  the  walls 
of  the  city.  There  was  no  doubt  that  the  cause  he  loved 
would  still  have  able  advocates.     It  would  be  clear,  if  he 


IS  JOHN  HUS 

withdrew,  that  this  cause  was  not  bonnd  up  in  the  per- 
son of  one  man  and  was  not  dependent  on  his  presence. 
Correspondence  with  friends  could  keep  him  informed  of 
whatever  might  occur  in  his  absence.  At  any  time  it 
would  be  possible  for  him  to  return.  Towards  the  close 
of  1412,  he,  therefore,  left  the  city.  This  decision  is,  next 
to  his  resolution  to  proceed  to  the  Council  of  Constance, 
the  most  momentous  in  his  life. 

Further  Writings  of  Hus.  Thus  the  polemical  period, 
as  it  has  been  called,  in  the  life  of  Hus  came  to  an  end. 
His  writings  during  this  time  were  not  numerous.  They 
are  all  in  Latin  and  of  a  controversial  character.  One  of 
them  is  a  treatise  that  enlarges  upon  the  arguments  which 
Hus  used  in  his  disputation  with  the  Englishman  Stokes, 
on  the  doctrines  of  Wyclif.  It  is  chiefly  valuable  as 
proving  that  Hus  was  by  no  means  a  blind  and  unreason- 
ing follower  of  Wyclif,  though  he  approved  of  much  of 
his  teaching.  Another  of  the  Latin  treatises  is  directed 
against  a  secret  adversary,  a  person  known  to  have  been 
a  priest  who  quietly  took  notes  on  the  sermons  of  Hus  and 
attacked  him  by  means  of  a  written  statement  affixed  to 
the  pulpit  of  the  Bethlehem  Chapel.  In  this  treatise  Hus 
dwells  on  the  duty  of  kings  and  lords  to  restrain  the 
wickedness  of  the  clergy  and  to  suppress  the  shameful 
traffic  in  sacred  things.  During  the  period  of  strife  the 
popular  movement  at  Prague  in  favour  of  reform  had  be- 
gun to  attract  attention  generally  throughout  Christen- 
dom. It  was  discussed  at  Paris  and  at  Oxford  as  well  as 
at  Eome.  By  his  labours  during  the  period  of  retirement, 
the  work  of  Hus  gained  yet  wider  influence  and  secured 
what  proved  to  be  more  lasting  impression. 


HITS  m  EXILE 

WORK  of  Hus  Uninterrupted.  The  with- 
drawal of  Hus  from  Prague  did  not  really  in- 
terrupt his  work.  It  only  removed  him  to 
another  sphere  of  action,  where  his  influence  was  fell,  in 
the  end,  as  powerfully  as  in  the  city.  Compared  to  the 
years  of  constant  strife,  the  period  of  his  exile,  lasting 
nearly  two  years,  does  not  appear  momentous,  it  is  true. 
Nor  can  it  be  compared,  in  interest,  to  the  time  of  his 
residence  at  Constance,  which  comprises  his  imprison- 
ment and  sufferings  and  the  death  that  has  made  him  im- 
mortal. Yet  he  found  or  made  opportunity  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  his  great,  many-sided  work,  if  less  intensely, 
then  in  a  more  extended  field.  The  momentum  of  his 
past  activity  and  his  fervour  did  not  suffer  him  to  rest. 
He  did  not  forget  in  exile  the  principles  he  had  avowed 
before  the  archbishop  and  which  had  moved  him  to  per- 
sist in  preaching  in  the  Bethlehem  Chapel.  They  were 
equally  powerful  with  him  now.  By  reason  of  them, 
there  was  not  another  man  in  the  kiugdom  whose  in- 
fluence was  equal  with  his  own.  His  character,  ability, 
position  and  doctrines,  even  the  persecution  that  had 
driven  him  into  temporary  exile,  had  conspired  to  elevate 
him  in  popular  esteem  and  to  give  publicity  and  efi'ect  to 
his  uttered  or  written  sentiments.  During  the  months  of 
exile  he  devoted  himself,  in  part,  to  preaching  but  mainly 
to  literary  work. 

Movements  of  Hus.     The  movements  of  Hus  after  he 
left  Prague  cannot  be  traced  with  certainty.     As  was  the 

79 


80  JOHN  HUS 

case  a  century  later  when  Luther  found  refuge  at  the 
Wartburg,  Hus  and  his  friends  thought  it  advisable  that 
his  dwelling-place  should  remain,  for  a  time,  unknown. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  made  shorter  or  longer  stays  at 
various  places.  Probably,  he  went  first  to  southern  Bo- 
hemia. An  ancient  and  attractive  tradition  states  that 
he  visited  Husinec,  his  birthplace,  and  preached  there. 
Wherever  he  went  he  preached.  No  place  was  too  pro- 
fane or  sacred  for  holding  forth  the  Word  of  God. 
Denied  a  church,  he  accepted  God's  first  temples,  the 
groves  and  fields.  He  himself  writes,  ''■  Hitherto,  I  have 
preached  in  towns  and  market-places,  now  I  preach  be- 
hind hedges,  in  villages,  castles,  fields  and  woods.  ^'  He 
mentions  specially  as  a  favourite  pulpit  ^'a  lime  tree 
near  Kozi."  He  drove  from  place  to  place,  in  order  to 
reach,  in  time,  points  far  separated.  Eural  Bohemia 
witnessed  scenes  like  those  which  long  before  had  con- 
secrated the  waysides  and  hillsides  of  Palestine,  which 
were  later  to  become  familiar  to  the  persecuted  congrega- 
tions of  the  Pyrenees  Mountains,  which  drew  crowds  of 
Hollanders  abroad  for  days,  leaving  their  busy  towns 
and  cities  almost  as  silent  as  the  grave,  which  made  the 
wild  glens  of  Scottish  highlands  echo  to  the  voices  of 
persecuted  men  who  had  a  price  on  their  heads.  These 
scenes  gave  to  hamlets,  forests  and  castles  of  Bohemia  a 
tender  renown  far  beyond  that  of  natural  scenery  or  of 
deeds  of  martial  valour. 

Throngs  crowded  to  hear  him.  They  were  curious  to 
see  the  famous  preacher  of  Prague,  a  man  bold  enough  to 
defy  edicts  of  excommunication,  who  had  been  driven  out 
of  the  capital  by  the  interdict  but  whose  blameless  life 
shamed  his  persecutors.  Poor  peasants  and  nobles  flocked 
around  him  to  hear  his  forcible  expositions  and  applica- 
tions of  the  Word  of  God.  The  head  of  the  University 
of  Prague  had  left  his  seat  of  honour  and  the  cultivated 


Husinec 


Birthplace  of  John  Hus 


IN  EXILE  81 

circles  of  the  lecture-room  to  speak  to  the  multitudes  of 
the  land,  ignorant  or  enlightened.  His  eloquence  was  as 
effective  here  in  the  open  fields  as  in  the  Bethlehem 
Chapel.  Hus  had  always  laid  great  stress  on  preaching. 
"Preachers,"  he  said,  "in  my  judgment  count  in  the 
Church  for  more  than  prelates."  He  proved  the  truth 
of  the  assertion,  as  he  pursued  his  apostolic  mission  from 
city  to  city  and  village  to  village  in  the  days  of  his  exile. 
The  impression  made  upon  the  crowds  that  came  to  hear 
him  from  homes,  fields  and  workshops  was  in  many  cases 
deep  and  abiding.  Years  did  not  efface  it.  When  Hus 
later  was  languishing  in  prison  at  Constance,  there  were 
thousands  of  his  countrymen,  in  all  parts  of  Bohemia,  on 
whose  hearts  his  memory  was  deeply  engraven  by  the  ex- 
perience wrought  within  them  through  the  words  he 
uttered  at  this  time. 

As  a  result  of  these  labours,  the  doctrines  of  Hus 
spread  on  every  hand,  in  cottage  and  castle,  in  Prague 
and  in  the  country.  And  from  this  period  is  to  be  dated 
the  immense  popularity  of  Hus — a  popularity  that  clings 
to  his  memory  to  the  present  daj^  Hus  was  fully  aware 
of  the  deep  affection  his.  countrymen  cherished  for  him 
and  he  gloried  in  it.  We  see  this  consciousness  of  it  in 
the  proud  answer  he  made  at  Constance  to  the  questions 
of  Cardinal  D^Ailly,  "  Yes,  I  have  said  that  I  came  here 
of  my  own  free  will.  If  I  had  been  unwilling  to  come 
here,  neither  that  king  (Venceslas)  nor  this  (Sigismund) 
would  have  been  able  to  force  me  to  come,  so  numerous 
and  so  powerful  are  the  Bohemian  nobles  who  love  me, 
and  within  whose  castles  I  should  have  been  able  to  lie 
concealed." 

Continued  Controversy.  Away  from  Prague  and  re- 
moved from  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  his  most 
implacable  foes,  the  life  of  Hus  was  one  of  comparative 


82  JOHN  HUS 

quiet.  But  it  was  not  altogether  free  from  controversy. 
Before  Hus  had  left  Prague  the  king  had  promised  him 
to  resume  his  efforts  to  reestablish  religious  concord  in 
Bohemia.  The  king  kept  his  word.  Upon  the  advice 
of  the  Estates  of  Bohemia,  the  highest  body  of  advisers 
in  the  realm,  he  called  together  a  synod  of  the  Bohemian 
clergy,  which  was  to  mediate  between  the  contending 
parties.  The  synod  met  early  in  1413.  Its  task  was  a 
difficult  one.  The  opponents  of  church -reform,  consider- 
ing the  withdrawal  of  Hus  from  Prague  a  signal  victory, 
were  averse  to  any  compromise.  They  presented  to  the 
assembly  a  statement  declaring  that  the  present  discord 
had  been  caused  by  some  priests  who  were  disobedient  to 
their  superiors  and  had  spread  heresies.  They  demanded 
that  the  papal  decrees  should  be  obeyed  and  that  Hus 
should  be  delivered  up  to  the  authorities  of  the  state  for 
punishment. 

The  church  reformers,  in  their  statement,  demanded 
that  Hus  should  be  allowed  to  appear  before  the  synod 
in  his  own  defense,  and  that  if  no  one  was  prepared 
to  bring  accusations  against  him,  which  could  be  proven, 
his  slanderers  should  be  punished.  The  university, 
also,  forwarded  a  document  to  the  synod,  which  ex- 
pressed more  fully  the  views  of  the  Bohemian  reformers. 
The  puritanic  note  of  this  spirited  declaration  is  very 
striking.  From  a  searching  review  of  the  dissensions  of 
the  country  and  the  disorders  of  the  Church,  it  concludes 
that  all  customs  which  had  been  introduced  contrary  to 
Christ's  law  should  be  everywhere  put  down.  As  was  to 
be  expected,  the  synod  soon  separated  without  effecting 
any  settlement  of  the  controversy.  The  king  was  greatly 
disappointed  at  the  failure  of  the  synod  to  restore  peace. 
Next,  he  appointed  a  commission.  This,  also,  was  un- 
successful, owing  chiefly  to  the  bitter  opposition  of  Palec 
and  Stanislas,  former  friends  of  Hus.     Thereupon,  re- 


IN  EXILE  83 

buked  by  the  commission  and  fearing  the  wrath  of  the 
king,  these  men  and  two  others  of  like  mind  left  the 
country.  In  foreign  parts  they  were  very  active  in 
stirring  up  prejudice  against  Hus.  So  far  as  Bohemia 
was  concerned,  the  departure  of  these  men  put  an  end  to 
the  disputes,  for  the  time  being,  but  not  to  the  parties. 

The  parties  carried  on  a  wordy  warfare  by  means  of 
numerous  books  and  pamphlets.  The  citizens  of  Prague 
took  increasing  interest  in  the  questions  at  stake.  Bo- 
hemia has  ever  been  one  of  those  countries,  where,  as  in 
England  and  Scotland,  theological  controversies  have 
greatly  attracted  the  masses  of  the  people.  The  adherents 
of  the  parties  gave  each  other  nicknames.  The  upholders 
of  reform  were  called  '' Wyclifites,"  as  their  opponents 
identified  the  teachings  of  Hus  with  those  of  Wyclif. 
The  opponents  of  reform  were  dubbed  ''  Mohammedans," 
this  strange  byname  being  given  them,  probably,  because 
of  the  violence  with  which  they  supported  their  doctrines. 
Amid  all  discussion  and  banter,  the  cause  of  reform 
steadily  advanced.  Its  adherents,  by  their  study  of  the 
Scriptures,  were  attaining  views  more  and  more  evangel- 
ical. They  came  to  be  known  as  the  evangelical  party. 
The  seed  which  Hus  had  sown  was  ripening  to  its 
harvest.  Many  had  adopted  his  views  and  with  a  zeal 
equal  to  his  own,  though  not  always  as  discreet,  spread 
them  abroad. 

The  evangelical  party  was  manifestly  in  the  ascendent. 
This  was  emphasized  by  a  political  success.  A  great 
change  was  brought  about  in  the  membership  of  the 
Council  of  Prague  through  the  provisions  of  a  royal  de- 
cree. This  instituted  a  new  method  for  the  appointment 
of  the  councillors.  The  council  had  consisted  maiuly  of 
foreigners,  who  were  on  the  side  of  the  papal  party  aud  had 
attempted  the  destruction  of  the  Bethlehem  Chapel.  Now 
the  Czechs  secured  control.     The  whole  of  civic  authority 


84  JOHN  HUS 

in  the  city  was  committed  to  Hus's  side.  The  church 
authorities  were  powerless.  They  considered  Bohemia 
almost  hopelessly  lost  to  Eomanism.  Something  must  be 
done,  they  reasoned,  to  check  the  spreading  heresy.  But 
there  was  no  hope  in  the  king ;  he  still  favoured  Hus 
and  was  merely  amused  at  the  complaints  of  the  clergy. 
There  was  no  hope  in  the  barons  ;  they  openly  sympa- 
thized with  Hus.  The  university  was  already  lost  to  the 
papal  party.  Help,  if  any  was  to  be  found,  must  come 
from  abroad.  Hence,  the  conviction  grew  among  the 
enemies  of  the  reformer,  that  Hus  could  be  managed 
and  his  heresy  checked  only  by  a  general  council  of  the 
Church.  When,  for  other  reasons,  the  calling  of  such  a 
council  began  to  be  agitated  all  over  Europe,  the  clergy 
in  Bohemia  lost  no  time  in  laying  their  plans.  All  the 
weight  and  authority  of  the  council  should  be  made  to 
bear  down  upon  the  Hus  movement.  The  condemnation 
of  Hus  should  be  achieved.  The  aid  of  foreign  rulers 
should  be  invoked  to  crush  reform  in  Bohemia. 

Hus  Remains  in  Exile.  In  the  meantime,  the  heat  of 
controversy  died  down  in  Prague.  The  adherents  of  Hus 
were  no  longer  molested.  Hus  found  it  possible  to  re- 
turn. He  seems  to  have  paid  a  number  of  visits  to  the 
city.  Tradition  says  that  he  even  preached  at  the  Bethle- 
hem Chapel.  But  he  did  not  remain  in  Prague.  His 
presence  there,  when  known,  always  created  a  stir.  There 
was  ever  the  danger  of  the  renewal  of  the  interdict.  The 
cause  of  church  reform  was  flourishing  even  in  his  ab- 
sence. Should  its  interests  demand  his  personal  atten- 
tion, he  could  at  any  time  return. 

While,  for  these  reasons,  he  continued  a  voluntary 
exile,  he  was  not  a  wanderer  without  a  home.  As  in  the 
case  of  Luther,  the  favourite  of  the  high  aud  the  lowly, 
more  than  one  lord's  castle  opened  its  gates  and  offered 


IN  EXILE  85 

him  refuge.  It  is  certain  that  he  spent  some  time  at  the 
castle  of  Kozi  Hradek,  and  afterwards  he  accepted  an 
invitation  to  go  to  the  castle  of  Krakovec,  which  was 
nearer  the  capital.  Like  Luther,  he  spent  the  leisure  thus 
afforded  him  in  the  writing  of  some  of  his  most  important 
works.  Eeleased  from  his  duties  at  the  university,  free 
from  the  distractions  of  his  life  at  Prague,  it  is  not  un- 
likely that  the  time  of  exile  was  the  happiest  in  his  life. 
And,  no  doubt,  by  his  carefully  prepared  and  powerful 
works  he  did  as  much  for  the  cause  of  truth  and  freedom 
as  if  he  had  remained  in  Prague.  Country  lords  and 
knights  were  afterwards  found  to  be  his  most  zealous 
defenders  and  the  most  earnest  supporters  of  reform. 

Literary  Activity.  The  time  of  leisure  Hus  improved 
by  the  use  of  his  pen.  He  had  the  opportunity  to  ex- 
amine more  carefully  and  state  more  fully  his  doctrines 
and  views.  His  works  are  voluminous  and  varied.  It  is 
not  possible  to  state  with  certainty  how  many  shorter  or 
longer  books  and  treatises  came  from  his  hand.  Some  of 
his  writings  have  long  ago  been  lost.  Others  have  only 
recently  been  rediscovered  and  published.  A  number 
of  scholars  have  searched  for  and  examined  Hus  litera- 
ture. One  of  the  latest  and  most  trustworthy  of  them, 
Dr.  Flajshans,  counts  up  seventy-four  Latin,  one  German 
and  thirty-six  Bohemian  works  of  Hus.  While  some  of 
these  were  written  during  his  earlier  ministry  and  others 
were  composed  in  prison  at  Constance,  the  years  of  exile, 
1412-1414,  were  the  period  of  his  greatest  literary  activity. 
His  writings  enable  us  to  appreciate  thoroughly  the  real 
nature  of  Hus.  They  prove  that  he  was  entirely  guided 
by  religious  and  national  enthusiasm.  The  fine  points  of 
theological  controversy  did  not  greatly  appeal  to  him, 
though  he  was  a  skillful  scholastic  reasoner  who  could  hold 
his  own  over  against  very  learned  accusers  at  Constance. 


86  JOHN  HUS 

Eeference  has  already  been  made  to  some  of  the  earlier 
Latin  works  of  Hus.  His  treatise  on  the  Church  {De 
Eccleda)^  written  during  this  period,  is  the  most  elabo- 
rate and  systematic  of  his  Latin  works.  In  it  his  doc- 
trinal system — to  be  outlined  ^^.ow — is  connectedly 
stated.  It  was  from  this  work  mainly  that  his  enemies 
drew  material  for  their  charges  against  him.  It  attacked, 
as  a  prominent  cardinal  at  Constance  remarked,  through 
an  endless  multitude  of  arguments  the  papal  authority. 
A  Roman  Catholic  writer  of  the  time,  grasping  the  full 
bearing  of  its  argument,  admits  the  marked  ability  of 
this  production.  It  reduced  the  whole  cumbrous  system 
of  priestly  rule  to  a  heap  of  rubbish.  It  made  the  faith 
that  works  by  love,  not  organic  connection  with  the 
priest- controlled  Eomish  body,  the  condition  of  member- 
ship in  the  spiritual  Church  of  Christ.  It  made  all  hu- 
man distinctions  of  rank  shrink  to  insignificance  before 
the  ennobling  relation  which  the  humblest  member  of  the 
Church  sustains  to  Christ,  its  head.  Here  was  a  basis, 
indeed,  for  the  sweeping  reforms  Hus  was  constantly 
urging.  He  was  in  spirit  a  Protestant — a  Puritan — be- 
fore these  terms  were  known. 

Among  the  other  Latin  works  of  Hus,  controversial 
treatises  abound.  Hus  was  *^ever  a  fighter."  Inces- 
santly attacked  by  opponents,  he  naturally  became  en- 
gaged in  frequent  disputations.  His  treatises  of  this 
character  gave  precision  to  the  views  of  the  party  he 
represented.  The  dividing  lines  were  sharply  drawn. 
Each  new  collision  brought  the  combatants  back  to  the 
old  battle-ground,  for  the  real  question  at  issue  was  be- 
tween the  authority  of  the  pope  and  the  authority  of  the 
Scriptures.  The  anxiety  of  Hus  in  behalf  of  the  sacred 
cause  of  truth  knew  no  intermission.  His  warfare  with 
error  and  iniquity  was  incessant.  From  his  own  declara- 
tions we  know  that  his  inner  conflict  and  questionings 


IN  EXILE  87 

were  severe.  Yet  be  never  wavered.  Not  for  a  moment 
did  lie  so  far  forget  his  position  or  his  duty  as  to  yield  to 
a  guilty  compromise.  Amid  surging  agitations  he  stands 
firm  as  a  rock  amid  the  billows. 

The  Bohemian  writings  of  Hus  give  an  even  clearer  in- 
sight into  the  indivi'^nality  of  Hus.  One  of  the  most 
notable  of  these  is  tuo  short  book,  0  Svatokiqyectvi— On 
Simony,  or  Traffic  in  Holy  Things.  This  deals  with  the 
real  cause  of  Bohemian  troubles  of  this  period.  It  dis- 
cusses the  question  whether  men  who  had  obtained 
church  offices  by  foul  and  unworthy  means  could  truly 
and  validly  administer  the  sacraments.  Hus  scores  the 
practice  of  traffic  in  church  offices  as  a  form  of  heresy. 
He  describes  its  origin  and  development.  Its  beginnings, 
he  tells  us,  are  traceable  to  two  notorious  characters  in 
the  Scriptures,  Gehazi,  who  took  gifts  for  the  healing  of 
Naaman,  and  Simon  who  gave  the  apostles  money,  wish- 
ing to  obtain  the  power  of  conferring  the  Holy  Ghost  on 
men  by  the  laying  on  of  hands,  and  from  whom  we  have 
the  terms  simonists  and  simony.  I^ext,  Hus  deals  with 
simony  as  it  appears  in  the  different  ranks  of  the  clergy. 
And,  finally,  he  endeavours  to  find  a  remedy  for  the  ter- 
rible abuses.  ''The  best  way"  (to  prevent  simony),  he 
writes,  ''would  be  that  men  be  elected  bishops  and  par- 
ish priests  according  to  God^s  will.  Thus  did  the  apos- 
tles act,  having  no  revelation  as  to  whom  they  should 
receive  as  bishop  in  the  place  of  Judas. '^ 

Another  of  Hus's  most  valuable  Bohemian  works  is 
the  Postilla.  This  is  a  collection  of  sermons  on  the  Gos- 
pel for  every  Sunday  and  the  more  important  holy  days 
of  the  year.  Hus  indicates  its  purpose  in  the  introduc- 
tion, "  I  resolved  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  for  the  salva- 
tion of  the  faithful  Bohemians  who  wish  to  know  and  to 
fulfill  God's  will,  briefly  to  expound,  with  God's  help,  the 
Gospel  for  all  the  Sundays  of  the  year.     I  desire  that 


88  JOHN  HUS 

those  who  read  or  listen  be  saved,  that  they  may  beware 
of  sin,  love  God  above  all  things,  love  one  another,  in- 
crease in  virtue  and  pray  to  the  Lord  God  for  me, 
sinner."  Alluding  to  the  ignorance  of  the  Bible  that 
was  general  among  the  Bohemians  he  writes,  "As  the 
people  generally  have  no  Gospel  written  in  Bohemian, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  understand  an  exposition  without  a 
foundation,  therefore  will  I  always  place  the  Gospel  at 
the  beginning  of  the  exposition."  The  Bohemians  thus 
became  acquainted  with,  at  least,  a  part  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  which  was  read  out  to  them  in  their  own 
language.  The  sermons  are  admirable  and  very  practical 
expositions  of  Scripture  truth,  couched  in  clear,  bright 
expressions  that  render  the  Postilla  very  attractive. 

The  letters  of  Hus,  written  in  his  own  language,  are, 
perhaps,  the  most  precious  literary  memorial  of  him  that 
we  possess.  Eighty-two  of  these,  written  in  his  early  or 
later  life,  have  been  preserved.  "They  form  a  priceless 
memorial  of  one  of  the  truest- hearted  sons  of  God."  His 
later  correspondence,  particularly  his  letters  from  exile 
and  from  prison,  show  John  Hus  to  be  one  of  the  few 
great  spirits  that  exalt  humanity.  As  one  writer  puts  it, 
they  "have  enriched  forever  our  moral  outlook."  They 
show  the  strength  and  the  tenderness  of  the  man.  When 
Luther  chanced  upon  a  copy  of  the  letters  of  Hus,  he  at 
once  perceived  their  value.  He  published  translations  of 
four  of  them,  including  the  famed  letter  to  the  whole 
Bohemian  nation,  in  German  and  Latin,  in  1536.  A  year 
later,  a  larger  collection  of  Hus's  letters  was  printed 
under  Luther's  influence.  In  an  introduction  to  that 
volume,  the  German  Eeformer  is  not  backward  in  his 
praises  of  the  letters.  * '  Observe, ' '  he  writes,  ' '  how  firmly 
Hus  clung  in  his  writings  and  words  to  the  doctrines 
of  Christ ;  with  what  courage  he  struggled  against  the 
agonies  of  death ;  with  what  patience  and  humility  he 


IN  EXILE  89 

suffered  every  indignity,  and  with  what  greatness  of  soul 
he  at  last  confronted  a  cruel  death  in  defense  of  the 
truth  ;  doing  all  things  alone  before  an  imposing  assembly 
of  the  great  ones  of  the  earth,  like  a  lamb  in  the  midst  of 
lions  and  wolves.  If  such  a  man  is  to  be  regarded  as  a 
heretic,  no  person  under  the  sun  can  be  looked  on  as 
a  true  Christian.  By  what  fruits  then  shall  we  recognize 
the  truth,  if  it  is  not  manifest  by  those  with  which  John 
Hus  was  so  richly  adorned?"  The  latest  letters  of  Hus 
are  the  most  interesting,  for  in  them  the  personal  note  is 
finest,  yet  in  the  whole  list  there  is  nothing  unworthy, 
nothing  tedious.  Bishop  Oreighton,  a  noted  divine  of  the 
Anglican  Church,  is  correct  in  his  judgment;  '^ Every- 
thing Hus  writes  is  the  result  of  his  own  soul's  experi- 
ence, is  penetrated  with  a  deep  moral  earnestness,  illumi- 
nated with  a  boldness  and  self-forgetfulness  that  breathes 
the  spirit  of  the  cry,  ^  Let  God  be  true  and  every  man  a 
liar.' '' 

Publication  of  Hus  Literature.  It  is  of  more  than 
ordinary  interest  and  a  proof  of  the  great  fame  of  Hus 
that  some  of  his  works  were  among  the  earliest  of  printed 
books.  The  first  of  his  writings  that  appears  to  have 
been  printed  was  one  of  his  lesser  treatises.  No  copy  of 
this  has  been  preserved.  In  1459— only  a  few  years  after 
the  invention  of  printing  with  movable  types — two  of  his 
letters  were,  for  the  first  time,  printed  at  Constance. 
There  have  been  various  reprints  of  most  of  his  important 
works,  especially  of  his  letters,  which  will,  doubtless,  be 
read  more  than  any  of  his  works  for  years  to  come. 

Doctrines  of  Hus.  Any  review  of  the  doctrines  of 
Hus,  as  presented  in  his  writings,  should  start  with  his 
views  regarding  the  Holy  Scriptures.  These  he  holds  to 
be  of  primary  importance.     In  all  questions  of  faith  and 


90  JOHN  HUS 

,/life,  he  teaches,  the  Bible  is  the  only  infallible  norm. 
This  position  does  not  involve  a  rejection  of  the  doctrinal 
explanations  of  the  church  fathers  or  the  decrees  of  the 
councils  or  the  laws  of  the  Church,  provided  that  such 
explanations,  decrees  and  laws  agree  with  the  Word  of 
God.  Even  that  which  is  merely  implied  may  be  ac- 
cepted, if  it  be  not  contrary  to  the  clear  instructions  of 
the  sacred  volume. 

The  doctrines  relating  to  God  and  His  attributes,  to 
the  creation,  preservation  and  government  of  the  world, 
to  the  Trinity,  to  the  person  and  work  of  Christ,  to  the 
Holy  Ghost  and  His  functions,  he  accepts  in  their  author- 
ized form.  With  regard  to  other  doctrines  he  differs 
more  or  less  decidedly  from  the  views  of  the  Church  of 
his  time. 

As  to  the  natural  state  of  man  he  says,  ^'Man,  on  ac- 
count of  sin,  is  blind,  impotent,  full  of  error  and  exceed- 
ingly poor.  He  is  blind  because  he  does  not  properly 
recognize  God  ;  impotent,  because  he  is  unable  to  accom- 
plish anything  in  the  way  of  his  own  salvation  ;  full  of 
error,  because  he  does  not  walk  in  the  holy  laws  of  God, 
which  are  the  way  of  God  ;  and  poor,  because  he  has  lost 
everything  that  he  possessed.^' 

Proceeding  to  the  doctrines  involving  salvation,  we 
find,  to  begin  with,  that  there  are  sayings  of  Hus  which 
imply  predestination  in  its  extreme  form.  On  comparing 
them,  however,  with  other  sayings  of  his  on  the  same 
subject,  his  position  becomes  milder  and  more  Scriptural. 
He  teaches  that  the  grace  of  God  is  universal,  that  it  is 
God's  will  that  all  men  should  be  saved,  that  He  does  all 
He  can,  consistently  with  their  free  will,  to  bring  about 
their  salvation.  He  unites  predestination  with  the  fore- 
knowledge of  God. 

The  views  of  Hus  on  faith  and  justification  bring  us  to 
a  position  which  is  evangelical  to  a  surprising  degree.; 


IN  EXILE  91 

True  faith  works  by  love  aud  endures  to  the  end.  There 
is  a  dead  faith  which  even  the  devils  have  and  tremble. 
The  former  alone  saves.  Faith  **is  a  state  of  mind  in 
which  eternal  life  begins  in  us  and  induces  our  under- 
standing to  assent  to  the  unseen  but  irrefutable  truths 
which  the  inspired  Scriptures  reveal  in  a  divine  way." 
"It  is  the  foundation  of  the  other  virtues  with  which  the 
Church  of  Christ  is  in  fellowship."  Such  faith  alone 
justifies.  "Through  the  law  no  one  is  justified,  but 
through  faith  in  Christ,  because  He  removes  from  us  the 
way  of  iniquity." 

In  regard  to  the  Church,  Hus  expresses  his  views  at 
great  length.  On  the  basis  of  Scripture  principles  he 
builds  up  his  teachings  concerning  the  Church.  He 
takes  what  may  be  called  decided  Protestant  ground. 
With  such  a  conception  of  the  Church,  he  finds  the  whole 
system  of  the  Romish  papacy  radically  wrong.  This 
rests  on  the  false  idea  that  Christ  made  Peter  pope.  But 
Christ  never  transferred  His  authority  to  one  apostle, 
and  Peter  never  claimed  the  primacy.  One  man,  mortal 
and  fallible,  cannot  possibly  govern  the  Church  scattered 
over  the  whole  earth.  The  laity  have  rights  and  privi- 
leges in  the  Church  as  well  as  the  clergy  aud  civil  rulers. 
The  truly  great  ones  in  the  Church  are  faithful  Christians 
keeping  the  commandments.  Unquestioning  obedience 
to  fallible  men  cannot  be  required.  To  rebel  against  an 
erring  pope  is  to  obey  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Eemem- 
bering  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  the  position  of  Hus  in 
his  teaching  concerning  the  Church  is  remarkable.  He 
had  advanced  towards  the  true  idea,  the  simple  church 
order  of  Protestant  organization  in  our  own  day.  He 
would  have  been  prepared  to  join  hands  with  John  Cal- 
vin at  Geneva  or  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  on  the  Mayflower. 

Among  the  means  of  grace  which  have  been  appointed 
in  the  Church,  the  Word  and  the  sacraments  attract  his 


92  JOHN  HUS 

special  attention.  As  regards  the  former,  its  divine  ori- 
gin, power  and  sufficiency  and  the  fact  that  it  has  been 
given  for  the  salvation  of  man  captivate  his  whole  heart. 
He  urges  that  it  must  be  absolutely  free.  His  conviction 
of  the  inestimable  price  of  the  Word  and  the  necessity  of 
proclaiming  it  is  shown  by  the  interesting  circumstance 
that  the  earliest  letter  which  we  have  from  his  hand  urges 
upon  the  archbishop  the  necessity  of  providing  for  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  that  his  last  letter,  written 
a  week  before  his  death,  closes  with  the  solemn  ex- 
hortation, addressed  to  Hawlik,  his  pupil,  then  in 
charge  of  the  Bethlehem  Chapel,  ^'Preach  the  Word  of 
God." 

In  some  respects,  Hus  had  not  worked  himself  free 
from  Romish  doctrine.  This  is  instanced  in  his  teaching 
concerning  the  sacraments.  Hus  recognizes  the  seven  of 
the  Eomish  creed.  But  he  protests  against  abuses  and 
teaches  that  God  alone  gives  them  efficacy,  for  which  faith 
on  the  part  of  the  recipient  is  an  absolute  condition. 

The  views  of  Hus  on  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  saints 
are  undecided.  Sometimes,  he  appears  to  teach  the  Rom- 
ish doctrine  and  then,  again,  he  seems  to  reject  it.  At  all 
times,  however,  he  warns  against  the  abuses  to  which 
prayers  addressed  to  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  saints  may 
lead.  Adoration,  in  the  true  sense,  is  never  to  be  given  to 
a  creature. 

He  believes  in  the  existence  of  purgatory  and  he  does 
not  condemn  prayers  for  souls  there  undergoing  purifica- 
tion. He  knows  that  the  Bible  gives  no  warrant  for  such 
prayers,  but  they  seem  to  him  to  grow  naturally  out  of 
the  communion  of  saints.  In  this  matter,  too,  he  protests 
against  the  evils  which  the  usage  produces.  Nor  does  he 
fail  to  teach  that  salvation  can  be  gained  on  earth  alone, 
and  that  the  surest  way  to  eternal  life  is  to  follow,  in  this 
life,  the  instructions  of  Christ  and  the  apostles.     In  one 


IN  EXILE  93 

of  his  sermons  he  says,  "  Who  knows  of  a  single  soul  that 
has  been  freed  from  purgatory  by  thirty  masses.'* 

Such  is,  in  brief  outline,  the  doctrinal  system  of  Hus. 
It  is  imperfect,  but  it  contains  all  the  elements  of  a  body 
of  pure  divinity.  It  develops  some  of  them  to  evangelical 
completeness.  Had  his  days  been  prolonged,  he  would 
have  attained  to  a  still  clearer  insight  into  the  truth.  As 
it  is,  Luther,  in  1529,  after  considering  the  matter  with 
Melancthon,  wrote  to  Spalatin,  ^'I  have  hitherto  taught 
and  held  all  the  opinions  of  Hus  without  knowing  it. 
With  a  like  unconsciousness  has  Staupitz  taught  them. 
We  are  all  of  us  Hussites  without  knowing  it." 

Hus  and  the  Bohemian  Language.  The  merits  of 
Hus  as  a  Bohemian  writer  can  hardly  be  overestimated. 
What  Luther  did  for  the  German,  Calvin  for  the  French, 
Hus  succeeded  in  doing  for  the  Bohemian.  Each  was  the 
father  of  his  native  tongue  in  its  modern  form.  Like  the 
Bohemian  patriots  of  all  periods,  Hus  was  devotedly  at- 
tached to  the  native  language.  In  his  efforts  to  strengthen 
it,  he  opposed  foreign  elements  that  were  creeping  in. 
He  saw,  also,  that  the  Bohemian  tongue,  in  order  to  be- 
come exclusively  the  language  of  the  state  and  of  the 
scholars  of  Bohemia,  needed  improvement  in  many  re- 
spects. Even  in  the  matter  of  spelling  great  disorder 
prevailed.  No  generally  accepted  rules  were  observed. 
In  the  written  documents  and  in  the  language  of  the  peo- 
ple there  still  remained  traces  of  the  several  dialects  out 
of  which  the  Bohemian  language  grew.  Hus  attempted 
to  establish  a  generally  recognized  written  language  for 
the  territory  including  Bohemia,  Moravia  and  Silesia,  in 
all  of  which  the  Bohemian  language  is  spoken.  He  was 
the  first  to  attempt  this.  Through  the  work  of  later 
writers  the  effort  was  finally  successful. 

While  still  residing  in  Prague,  Hus  had  laboured  for 


94  JOHN  HUS 

the  improvement  of  his  native  language.  The  first  re- 
sult of  his  studies  was  his  Orthographica  Bohemica,  written 
probably  in  1411.  Unlike  other  Slavic  peoples,  the  Bo- 
hemians had  adopted  the  Latin  alphabetic  characters. 
These  are  incapable  of  representing  various  sounds  pe- 
culiar to  Slavic  speech.  *^  Anarchy  of  spelling  "  had  re- 
sulted from  this  inability.  Many  attempts  had  been 
made  to  overcome  the  difficulties.  Hus  was  the  first  who, 
in  the  treatise  just  mentioned,  reformed  the  alphabet  by 
introduciug  the  diacritic  signs — marks  attached  to  letters 
or  characters  to  indicate  their  exact  sound  value  or  to 
distinguish  them  from  other  letters.  These,  in  a  modified 
form,  are  still  used  in  the  Bohemian  language.  The  new 
system  of  spelling  which  Hus  introduced  was  distin- 
guished for  its  precision  and  simplicity.  While  in 
exile,  Hus  devoted  yet  more  attention  to  his  native  lan- 
guage, for  he  had  many  opportunities  of  hearing  the 
common  talk  of  the  country  people  to  whom  he  preached. 
Hus  himself  tells  us  that  he  formed  his  style  on  the  com- 
mon speech  of  the  people.  This  he  dignified  and  raised 
to  the  rank  of  a  language  adequate  for  the  expression  of 
theological  and  philosophical  thought. 

Hus  Revises  Bohemian  Bible.  Having  accomplished 
so  much  for  the  language,  he  was  in  a  position  to  revise 
the  Bohemian  Bible  and  make  its  teachings  more  acces- 
sible to  his  countrymen.  It  appears  that  in  the  four- 
teenth century  parts  of  the  Bible  had  been  translated  into 
Bohemian  by  various  writers.  These  parts  had  been  col- 
lected and  joined  together  about  1410.  The  translations 
were  of  unequal  merit.  Some  teemed  with  damaging 
mistakes.  Some  were  rough  Bohemian,  others  bore  wit- 
ness to  the  learning  of  scholars.  Hus,  familiar  with  the 
Hebrew  language,  undertook  the  difiicult  task  of  revising 
and  correcting  the  existing  translations  of  the  Bible.     By 


IN  EXILE  95 

this  work  as  well  as  by  his  Scripture  exposition,  he  made 
the  Scriptures  more  generally  known  among  his  country- 
men. 

Plans  for  a  General  Church  Council.  While  Hus  by 
travelling,  preaching,  writing  was  making  even  the 
months  of  exile  richly  fruitful  for  the  work  of  reform, 
negotiations  were  being  conducted  for  the  meeting  of  a 
general  church  council  in  the  interests  of  reform.  But 
what  was  to  be  a  council  of  reform  is  now  remembered 
chiefly  for  its  condemnation  of  the  greatest  reformer  of 
that  day.  Among  all  who  urged  the  calling  of  the 
council.  King  Sigismund  was  most  intent  on  furthering 
the  project.  He  had  personal  reasons  for  doing  so.  Be- 
sides being  King  of  Hungary,  he  now  bore  the  title  King 
of  the  Romans — this  indicated  that  he  had  been  elected  to 
succeed  to  the  imperial  power.  He  rightly  thought  that 
nothing  could  contribute  more  to  the  restoration  of  the 
faded  dignity  of  the  empire  than  a  general  council  of  the 
Church  under  his  control  in  an  imperial  free  city. 
Should  the  council  succeed  in  terminating  the  schism,  that 
would  help  to  revive  the  glories  of  the  Eoman  Empire. 

Conditions  were  favourp'ole  to  the  scheme  of  the  ambi- 
tious Sigismund.  The  state  of  the  Church  was  steadily 
growing  worse.  The  disgraceful  schism,  the  corruption 
of  the  clergy,  wickedness  among  the  members  of  the 
Church  were  producing  alarming  results.  Iniquity,  in 
many  shapes,  stalked  abroad  unchecked  and  defiant. 
Affairs  were  so  unsettled  and  men's  minds  were  so  divided 
and  distracted  that  kings  and  princes  felt  it  necessary  to 
interfere.  The  best  minds  in  the  Church  were  calling  for 
a  remedy.  The  doctrine  was  proclaimed  from  high 
places  that  a  council  of  the  whole  Church  is  superior  to 
any  member  of  it,  even  to  the  pope  himself.  The 
heresies  of  Wyclif  and  of  Hus  alarmed  all  good  Catholics. 


96  JOHN  HUS 

These  were  looked  upon  as  symptoms  of  wide-spread  dis- 
satisfaction and  should  be  cured  or  crushed. 

Yet,  though  there  was  demand  from  diverse  and  distant 
quarters  for  summoning  the  council,  the  negotiations 
were  long  drawn  out  and  delicate.  Some  rulers  were 
secretly  ill  disposed  to  the  plan.  Pope  John,  in  view  of 
his  unsavoury  reputation,  had  reason  to  hesitate.  There 
was  a  great  deal  of  skillful  manoeuvering  between  the  crafty 
emperor  and  the  wily  pope.  At  last  the  persuasions  of  the 
emperor — persuasions  pointed  with  threats  and  terrors — 
induced  Pope  John  to  join  in  preparing  for  the  council. 
It  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Constance  in  October,  1414. 

To  the  humble  priest,  John  Hus,  Sigismund  also  as- 
signed a  part  in  his  far-reaching  plans.  He  had  followed 
the  course  of  Hus  from  the  beginning.  Sigismund  was 
heir  to  the  throne  of  Bohemia.  He  felt  the  need  of  re- 
moving from  that  land  the  stain  of  heresy.  He  realized 
keenly  that  ' '  throughout  the  whole  earth  resounded  the 
rumour  that  the  Bohemians  were  sons  of  heretical  base- 
ness." Sigismund  did  not  doubt  that  the  pious  Hus, 
whose  actions  were  governed  entirely  by  his  conscience, 
would  deem  it  his  duty  to  appear  at  the  council.  The 
king  reasoned  that  it  would  be  possible  to  prevent  the  re- 
turn of  Hus  to  Bohemia.  And  he  believed — wrongly  as 
events  proved — that  Hussitism,  Hus  once  out  of  the  way, 
would  soon  come  to  an  end.  Accordingly,  he  despatched 
from  Lombardy,  where  he  happened  to  be,  certain  Bo- 
hemian noblemen  of  his  court  to  bid  Master  John  Hus  to 
present  himself  at  Constance,  there  to  purge  both  himself 
and  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia  from  the  infamous  charge  of 
heresy.  They  were  to  inform  him  that  the  king  would 
grant  him  a  safe-conduct,  which  would  enable  him  to 
journey  safely  to  Constance  and  guarantee  a  safe  return 
to  Bohemia.  Sigismund,  also,  promised  that  he  would 
obtain  for  Hus  a  hearing  at  the  council. 


IN  EXILE  97 

Hus  at  once  prepared  to  obey.  In  view  of  his  own  ap- 
peal to  a  general  council,  he  could  not  do  otherwise. 
There  were  not  wanting  waruing  voices  that  advised  him 
not  to  go.  Many  of  the  prominent  members  of  the 
university  entreated  him  to  remain  in  Bohemia.  loobies 
were  prepared  to  defend  him  in  their  castles.  Even  one 
of  Sigismuud's  euvoys  said  to  Hus,  ""  Master,  be  sure  that 
thou  wilt  be  condemned."  Yet  he  remained  firm.  He 
did  not  neglect  to  take  steps  for  his  defense.  He  posted 
notices  throughout  the  whole  of  Prague,  offering  "to 
render  an  account  of  his  faith  and  hope'^  before  the 
syDod  of  the  Bohemian  clergy  which  was  to  meet  in 
August  of  1414.  The  synod  refused  to  receive  him. 
Then  he  secured,  through  a  representative,  from  Nicholas, 
Bishop  of  Nazareth,  the  inquisitor  of  heresy  for  the  city 
and  diocese  of  Prague,  a  statement  declaring  "  him  to  be 
a  true  and  Catholic  man,  in  no  wise  savouring  of  heresy 
or  error."  Certain  of  the  nobles  procured  a  similar  dec- 
laration from  the  archbishop.  Thus  accredited,  he 
started  on  his  last  journey,  without  fear,  without  sign  of 
flinching.  There  is  no  touch  of  blind  fanaticism  in  his 
bearing,  as  his  prudent  preparations  show.  He  had 
something  of  the  fighter  in  him,  else  he  could  not  have 
defied  opposition  as  he  had  done.  His  imaginative 
power,  which  helped  to  make  him  the  brilliant  preacher 
and  man  of  affairs,  made  it  clear  to  him  that  he  could 
anticipate  a  cruel  fate.  Yet  under  all  his  intellectual 
life  there  throbbed  a  valorous  restlessness  that  drove  him 
forward  to  meet  emergency.  He  had  in  him  the  pith  and 
the  sinew  of  a  hero.  The  history  of  martyrdom  scarcely 
furnishes  a  nobler,  purer  example  of  Christian  witness- 
bearing.  From  first  to  last,  his  attitude  and  action  pre- 
sent a  model  of  quiet  firmness  and  of  unbending  but  un- 
demonstrative consistency. 

It  was  as  providential  as  remarkable  that  the  general 


98  JOHN  HUS 

church  council  should  make  it  part  of  its  program  to 
deal  with  an  individual  case  of  alleged  heresy.  This  un- 
usual course  gave  greater  publicity  to  the  event  and 
greater  renown  to  the  man  and  his  doctrines.  Otherwise, 
Hus  might  have  fallen  in  some  obscure  way  and  his 
memory  would  have  been  merely  a  local  matter.  His 
heroic  faith  and  fearless  stand  in  the  presence  of  the 
council  that  condemned  him  brought  it  about  that  he 
**  belongs  to  the  ages." 


YI 
HUS  AT  CONSTANCE 

COUNCIL  of  Constance.  The  Council  of  Con- 
stance was  the  most  brilliant  and  imposing  of 
the  ecclesiastical  assemblies  of  the  middle  ages. 
\  Its  sessions  stretched  through  nearly  four  years.  From 
all  parts  of  western  Christendom  distiuguished  men  at- 
tended. The  streets  of  the  city  were  a  blaze  of  gorgeous 
colour  with  the  crowds  of  splendidly  garbed  dignitaries, 
with  waving  plumes  aud  polished  armour,  with  flaunting 
standards  and  long  cavalcades.  Pope  and  emperor  were 
both  present,  each  with  a  numerous  and  dazzling  follow- 
ing of  officers  and  attendants.  All  classes  of  society, 
laity  as  well  as  clergy,  representatives  of  every  European 
nation,  with  their  peculiarities  of  costume  and  manner, 
contributed  to  make  the  city  of  Constance  a  miniature 
Christendom.  Besides  emperor  and  pope,  there  came  to 
this  celebrated  council  thirty  cardinals,  four  patriarchs, 
thirty-three  archbishops,  one  hundred  and  fifty  bishops, 
several  hundred  doctors  of  theology  and  prelates  and  four 
thousand  priests,  four  electors,  twenty-four  princes  and 
dukes,  seventy-eight  counts  and  over  six  hundred  barons. 
Literature  aud  science  were  not  unworthily  represented. 
Eleven  universities  of  Europe  sent  deputations.  Among 
them  were  men  whom  the  afterworld  honours  as  the  liv- 
ing lights  of  their  age.  In  addition  to  all  of  these,  a 
throng  of  merchants,  artisans,  retainers,  visitors,  drawn 
by  curiosity,  the  desire  of  gain  or  of  pleasure,  flowed  into 

99 


100  JOHN  HUS 

the  city  to  witness  the  doiDgs  of  the  council.  This  un- 
exampled array  of  sovereigns  and  nobles,  leaders  of  the 
Church  and  laymen  numbered  no  less  than  fifty  thousand, 
perhaps  the  greatest  congress  of  people  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  The  objects  of  the  council  were  worthy  of  so 
great  a  gathering.  As  originally  mapped  out,  they  were 
the  restoration  of  the  unity  of  the  Church  and  its  reform 
in  head  and  members.  It  is  striking  proof  of  the  promi- 
nence to  which  the  Bohemian  affairs  had  attained  that  to 
them,  also,  had  to  be  assigned  a  place  of  first  importance 
on  the  program  of  the  great  council. 

Constance.  Constance  is  a  town  in  the  grand  duchy 
of  Baden.  It  is  beautifully  situated  on  the  Swiss,  or  left, 
bank  of  the  Ehiue,  just  as  the  river  issues  from  Lake 
Constance  to  form  the  Untersee.  At  the  time  of  the 
council  it  was  a  free,  imperial  city,  with  a  population  of 
fifty  thousand.  Now  it  has  but  half  that  number  of  in- 
habitants. As  the  attendants  upon  the  council  were 
equal  in  number  to  the  population,  booths  and  wooden 
buildings  were  erected  for  their  accommodation,  outside 
the  city  walls,  and  thousands  of  visitors  were  encamped 
in  the  surrounding  country.  Exactly  what  proportion  of 
those  who  attended  were  regarded  as  members  of  the 
council,  entitled  to  take  part  in  its  proceedings,  it  is 
difficult  to  say.  Certainly,  there  was  no  place  of  as- 
sembly in  Constance  that  would  have  admitted  a  gather- 
ing of  even  five  thousand  men.  The  place  of  meeting 
was  the  Kaufhaus,  Merchant's  Exchange,  built  in  1338, 
close  to  the  shores  of  the  lake.  This  building,  still  stand- 
ing, offered  the  best  audience  chamber  in  tbe  city.  As 
the  traveller  goes  up  the  solid  steps  of  the  structure,  he 
enters  on  the  second  floor  a  spacious  room,  the  low  ceiling 
of  which  is  supported  by  heavy  wooden  pillars.  Five 
hundred  years  ago,  this  room  was  occupied  by  an  as- 


AT  CONSTANCE  101 

sembly  such  as  Christendom  had  never  seen  before. 
Here  many  of  the  sessions  were  held,  others  were  con- 
ducted in  the  cathedral.  The  chair  in  which  the  emperor 
sat  and  the  one  used  by  the  pope  are  still  preserved. 
Other  relics,  both  of  Hus  and  his  colabourer,  Jerome,  are 
said  to  be  numerous  in  the  city. 

Pope  John  on  the  Way  to  Constance.  Towards  this 
city,  in  the  fall  of  1414,  travelled  two  men,  utterly  dif- 
fering in  character,  under  very  different  circumstances, 
destined  to  play  strikingly  different  roles  at  the  council. 
One  of  them  was  Pope  John.  He  had  had  prolonged 
negotiations  with  the  emperor,  in  which  each  had  tried 
to  deceive  the  other.  He  had  made  all  kinds  of  demands 
and  tried  to  secure  the  most  advantageous  terms  for  him- 
self, all  of  which  were  signed  and  sworn  to  by  the 
emperor.  Yet  Pope  John  set  out  with  fears  and  forebod- 
ings as  to  the  result.  We  have  not  the  slightest  evidence 
that  an  awakened  conscience  was  the  cause  of  his  uncom- 
fortable state  of  mind.  His  evil  life  had  so  hardened  his 
heart  that  his  only  concern  was  lest  he  should  lose  his 
honours  and  his  income  and  be  reduced  to  the  posi- 
tion of  a  private  individual.  He  travelled  as  a  prince, 
with  a  splendid  escort  of  cardinals  and  nobles.  Gold, 
silver,  gems  and  costly  raiment  added  to  the  magnif- 
icence of  the  princely  train.  Travelling  through  Tyrol, 
the  pope  paused  there  to  confirm  his  alliance  with  Duke 
Frederick  of  Austria,  according  to  which  each  was 
bound  to  support  the  other  in  liis  designs.  Towards  the 
end  of  October,  the  papal  party  approached  Constance. 
When  the  pope  looked  down  upon  the  city  for  the  first 
time,  from  a  neighbouring  hill,  he  called  it  a  pit  for  catch- 
ing foxes.  He  may  have  had  a  presentiment  of  his  own 
fate.  It  did  prove  a  trap  for  him  and  for  nobler  game. 
With  such  feelings  and  fear  he  entered  the  city  with 


102  JOHN  HUS 

great  pomp,  and  he  was  escorted  with  every  demonstra- 
tion of  honour  to  the  episcopal  palace. 

Hus  on  the  Way  to  Constance.  At  the  same  time, 
Hus  was  pursuing  his  way  to  the  city,  where  he  was  to 
close  his  career  and  receive  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 
As  he  was  a  man  of  truly  apostolical  poverty,  his  friends 
raised  the  money  for  so  lengthy  a  journey.  Many  of  the 
nobles,  probably,  also,  the  king  and  queen,  and  the  uni- 
versity supplied  some  financial  aid.  One  of  the  nobles 
presented  him  with  a  comfortable  carriage,  others  gave 
him  horses.  On  October  11,  1414,  Hus  left  Prague,  ac- 
companied by  Lord  John  von  Chlum,  Lord  Yenceslas 
von  Duba,  whom  Sigismund  had  appointed  as  his  escort, 
Peter  Mladenovic,  secretary  of  von  Chlum,  and  some  at- 
tendants. A  throng  of  people,  including  many  masters 
of  the  university,  accompanied  him  to  the  city  gate.  In- 
stinctively, they  saw  in  Hus  the  greatest  man  of  their 
race.  Many  feared  that  he  would  never  return.  Later, 
the  travelling  party  was  joined  by  Lord  Henry  von  Chlum 
and  John  Eeinstein,  surnamed  '^Kardinal,"  a  parish 
priest  of  Prague  and  a  great  friend  of  Hus. 

The  route  lay  through  the  border  town,  Barnau,  to  the 
imperial  free  city  of  Nuremberg,  which  they  reached  in 
eight  days^  time.  On  their  way  thus  far,  even  in  German 
territory,  they  were  everywhere  well  received  by  the 
people  who  saw  in  Hus  the  champion  of  church  reform. 
In  nearly  every  town  Hus  had  theological  discussions 
with  the  clergy  and  others.  All  ill  feeling,  previously 
stirred  up  by  hostile  reports,  seemed  lost  in  curiosity  to 
see  and  hear  the  man  of  whom  such  varied  stories  had 
been  told.  The  earnestness  of  his  speech  and  the  rea- 
sonableness of  his  views  won  him  favour.  The  common 
people  and  humbler  clergy  felt  that  he  had  been  fighting 
their  battles  and  was  now  suffering  in  their  cause.     They 


AT  CONSTANCE  103 

saw  in  him  one  whom  persecuting  rage  had  forced  into 
notoriety  but  who,  in  setting  himself  against  haughtiness, 
avarice  and  corruption,  priestly  or  otherwise,  had  really 
shown  himself  the  friend  of  the  poor  and  oppressed. 

At  Nuremberg  the  welcome  was  particularly  hearty. 
The  streets  were  crowded  with  people  eager  to  see  Has. 
A  public  disputation  was  held.  Priests,  a  doctor  of  the- 
ology, magistrates  were  among  those  assembled.  The 
discussion  continued  for  hours.  The  popular  voice  was 
on  the  side  of  the  reformer.  All  united  in  assuring  Hus 
that  he  would  undoubtedly  return  from  the  council  with 
honour.  He  could  write  to  his  Bohemian  friends,  "I 
have  not  met  a  single  enemy  as  yet."  At  Nuremberg  be 
was  informed  that  the  king  had  prepared  the  letter  of 
safe-conduct  for  him.  Accordingly,  Lord  Venceslas  von 
Duba  proceeded  to  the  imperial  court  at  Spires  to  receive 
it  for  him.  The  rest  of  the  party  went  directly  to  Con- 
stance through  Southern  Germany.  In  the  towns  through 
which  they  passed  courteous  kindness  and  respect  were 
shown  them,  beyond  their  expectations.  In  each  place 
the  priests  and  learned  men  were  engaged  by  the  Bo- 
hemians in  theological  discussion.  In  Biberach,  w^^" 
the  discussion  on  religious  matters  began.  Lord  John  von 
Chlum  took  so  prominent  a  part  and  spoke  with  so  much 
warmth  in  favour  of  the  doctrines  of  Hus— while  Hus 
spoke  little— that  the  citizens  believed  him  to  be  a  doctor 
of  theology.  Thereafter,  Hus  was  accustomed,  in  his  let- 
ters, playfully  to  call  Lord  John  'Hhe  doctor  of  Bibe- 
rach." Everywhere  the  teachings  of  Hus,  given  in  reply 
to  question  or  argument,  were  received  with  satisfaction. 
Such  a  reception,  on  the  part  of  those  who  were  personally 
strangers  to  Hus,  shows  how  ready  was  the  soil  of  the 
popular  mind  for  the  seeds  of  reforming  truth. 

On  November  3d,  Hus  and  his  companions  arrived  at 
Constance.     Hus  was  lodged  in  the  house  of  "a  good 


104  JOHN  HUS 

widow,  named  Fida,"  not  far  from  the  pope's  quarters. 
The  house  still  stands,  probably  little  changed,  near  the 
Schnetz  gate  of  the  city.  A  medallion  with  a  bust  of 
Has  and  an  inscription  in  Bohemian  and  German  were 
placed  upon  it  some  years  ago.  From  this  house  Hus 
never  stirred  until  his  arrest.  Immediately  upon  his  ar- 
rival, two  of  his  protectors  visited  the  pope  and  announced 
the  arrival  of  Hus.  The  pope  assured  them  that  he  would 
allow  no  one  to  molest  him  and  that  he  would  be  perfectly 
safe  at  Constance.  The  disagreeable  extravagance  of  his 
promises,  however,  gave  good  ground  for  suspecting  his 
sincerity.  A  short  period  of  freedom  was,  indeed,  granted 
Hus.  During  that  time  he  led  the  life  of  a  recluse.  His 
sentence  of  excommunication  was  suspended,  not  from 
any  regard  for  him  but  that  the  city  might  not  be  sub- 
ject to  interdict  on  his  account.  He  was  enjoined  not  to 
attend  public  worship,  to  avoid  scandal.  At  his  lodgings 
he  was  left  unmolested.  He  conversed  with  large  num- 
bers of  persons  who  came  to  visit  him.  His  attention 
was  especially  directed  towards  making  preparation  for 
the  public  audience  before  the  council.  With  this  object 
in  view,  he  prepared  two  discourses.  One  was  substan- 
tially a  confession  of  faith,  the  other  dealt  with  the  peace 
and  union  of  the  Church.  In  the  event,  he  was  not  al- 
lowed to  deliver  either  of  them,  but  they  have  been  pre- 
served in  his  works.  He  said  mass  daily  in  strictest 
privacy.  Only  from  his  little  window  did  he  watch  the 
gay  life  of  the  city,  which,  for  the  time  being,  had  become 
the  intellectual,  political,  even  social,  capital  of  the  world. 
Much  that  he  saw,  brilliant  but  worldly,  must  have  roused 
displeasure  in  a  man  of  his  puritanic  mind.  He  must 
have  felt  strangely  isolated  in  the  city  of  the  council. 

The  Safe-Conduct.    Two  days  after  the  arrival  of  Hus 
in  Constance,  Lord  Duba  brought  the  safe-conduct.     As 


AT  CONSTANCE  105 

this  document  attained  to  scandalous  notoriety  through 
varied  interpretation  and  explanation,  it  deserves  to  be 
given  in  full.     It  read  as  follows  : 

"  Sigismund,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  the  Romans, 
etc.  : — To  all  princes,  ecclesiastical  and  lay,  and  all  our 
other  subjects,  greeting.  Of  our  full  affection,  we  recom- 
mend to  all  in  general,  and  to  each  individually,  the 
honourable  man.  Master  John  Hus,  bachelor  in  theology 
and  master  of  arts,  the  bearer  of  these  presents,  going 
from  Bohemia  to  the  Council  of  Constance,  whom  we 
have  taken  under  our  protection  and  safeguard,  and  un- 
der that  of  the  emj)ire,  requesting,  when  he  arrives  among 
you,  that  you  will  receive  him  kindly  and  treat  him  fa- 
vourably, furnishing  him  whatever  shall  be  necessary  to 
promote  and  secure  his  journey,  whether  by  water  or  by 
land,  without  taking  anything  from  him  or  his,  at  his 
entrance  or  departure,  on  any  claim  whatever ;  but  let 
him  freely  and  securely  pass,  sojourn,  stop,  and  return  ; 
providing  him,  if  necessary,  with  good  passports,  to  the 
honour  and  respect  of  the  imperial  majesty.  Given  at 
Spires,  October  18,  1414." 

How  well  the  provisions  of  this  safe-conduct  were  ob- 
served, the  sequel  will  show. 

The  Arrest  of  Hus.  The  enemies  of  the  reformer 
came  to  Constance  in  force.  They  had  resolved  upon  his 
ruin  and  made  ample  provision  to  carry  out  their  pur- 
pose. Foremost  among  them  was  John  the  Iron,  Bishop 
of  Litomysl,  a  notorious  simonist  and  a  very  rich  man. 
Venceslas  Tiem,  whose  trade  in  indulgences  in  Prague 
had  caused  the  outbreak  of  the  crisis,  the  infamous 
Michael  de  Ciusis,  Stephen  Palec,  who  was  to  take  a 
prominent  part  in  the  proceedings  against  Hus,  and  a 
dozen  more  were  close  upon  the  track  of  the  reformer. 
Among  the  opponents  of  church  reform  in  Bohemia  they 


106  JOHN  HUS 

had  raised  a  considerable  fund  to  push  the  prosecution  of 
Hus.  They  engaged  the  services  of  many  informers 
against  him.  They  surrounded  him  with  spies.  With 
the  bitter  fidelity  of  fanatics,  they  dogged  his  footsteps. 
On  the  day  after  his  arrival  in  the  city,  they  placarded 
him  on  church  doors  as  the  vilest  heretic.  They  used 
every  artifice  to  increase  prejudice  against  him  and  to 
neutralize  his  personal  influence.  They  circulated  a  re- 
port that  he  was  a  dangerous  mind-reader,  who  could 
divine  the  thoughts  of  those  who  attended  his  services — 
an  absurd  charge  that  may  have  been  built  up  on  the 
experience  of  some  conscience-stricken  offender,  the  se- 
crets of  whose  heart  had  been  made  manifest  under  the 
preaching  of  Hus,  as  often  happens  in  the  course  of  faith- 
ful preaching  of  the  Gospel.  They  bore  it  ill  that  he 
should  enjoy  even  a  limited  measure  of  freedom.  To 
bring  about  his  arrest  was  the  first  step  necessary  to  the 
success  of  their  designs.  With  this  in  mind,  they  be- 
stirred themselves.  They  ran  hither  and  thither  among 
the  principal  cardinals,  archbishops  and  other  prelates, 
pressing  complaints  against  Hus.  When  a  hay-cart  was 
seen  stopping  before  his  lodgings,  the  spies  immediately 
reported  that  he  intended  to  escape  hidden  in  it.  Their 
agitation  proved  successful. 

On  November  28th,  the  cardinals  sent  two  bishops,  the 
burgomaster  of  the  city  and  a  knight  to  cite  Hus  before 
them.  Lord  John  of  Chlum,  suspecting  treachery, 
vehemently  objected.  One  of  the  cardinals  protested 
that  they  meant  no  evil.  They  only  wished  to  proceed 
quietly  and  avoid  a  stir.  Thereupon  Hus,  uususpecting, 
declared  himself  willing  to  obey  the  summons.  His 
hostess  in  great  anxiety  met  him  in  the  hall  and  wept  as 
he  gave  her  his  blessing.  While  descending  the  steps 
the  bishops  said  to  him,  ^'  Now  wilt  thou  no  longer  offi- 
ciate or  say  mass.'^     On  leaving  the  house,  he  found  the 


AT  CONSTANCE  107 

street  full  of  soldiers,  who  immediately  surrounded  him, 
mounted  him  on  a  poor  horse  and  conveyed  him  to  the 
episcopal  palace,  where  the  cardinals  awaited  his  com- 
ing. They  informed  Hus  that  many  complaints  against 
him  had  been  forwarded  to  them  from  Bohemia.  Hus 
replied  that  he  had  come  freely  to  the  council  and  that  if 
he  were  convicted  of  error,  he  would  gladly  accept  in- 
struction. "It  is  well  spoken,"  said  the  cardinals,  giv- 
ing a  meaning  to  his  words  which  he  never  intended  to 
convey.  He  wished  to  be  convinced  by  reason  and  the 
Scriptures,  not  to  bow  blindly  to  the  authority  of  the 
pope  or  cardinals  or  council.  After  the  interchange  of 
these  few  words,  the  cardinals  retired,  leaving  Hus  and 
Chlum  in  the  hands  of  a  guard. 

After  the  cardinals  had  withdrawn,  a  monk  of  the 
Minorite  order  of  friars  approached  to  converse  with  Hus. 
His  object  was  not  at  first  suspected.  In  a  friendly  tone 
he  addressed  the  prisoner,  assuming  the  appearance  of  a 
simple-minded,  ignorant  man,  anxious  to  gain  instruc- 
tion. In  reality,  he  was  Master  Didacus,  reputed  in  all 
Lombardy  the  most  subtle  of  theologians.  He  came  as 
the  tool  of  the  cardinals  to  entrap  Hus  while  off  his  guard. 
Hus  soon  perceived  from  the  nature  of  the  man's  ques- 
tions that  under  a  plain  appearance  he  concealed  a 
shrewd  and  penetrating  mind.,  He  charged  him  with 
pretense,  *'Thou  say  est  that  thou  art  simple  (simplex) 
but  I  say  that  thou  art  false  (duplex)  not  simple.'' 
After  the  monk  had  left  and  Hus  had  learned  the  identity 
of  his  visitor,  the  reformer  exclaimed,  "Had  I  but 
known  it !  I  would  have  plied  him  differently  with 
Scripture.  Were  they  but  all  like  that,  with  God's  aid 
and  the  Holy  Scripture  supporting  me,  I  should  fear  none 
of  them." 

Late  in  the  afternoon,  the  cardinals  sent  word  that 
Lord  John  might  depart  but  that  Hus  must  remain  in  the 


108  JOHN  HUS 

palace.  Shameful  perfidy  !  He  was  a  prisoner  in  spite 
of  the  safe-conduct,  in  spite  of  the  emperor's  pledge  and 
the  pope's  promise.  From  that  hour  he  never  regained 
his  freedom.  When  his  enemies  learned  that  he  would 
be  detained,  they  gave  exi)ression  to  ignoble  and  indecent 
joy.  Dancing  round  the  room,  they  cried  out,  ^'Ha! 
Ha  !  now  we  have  him,  he  will  not  escape  us  till  he  has 
paid  the  uttermost  farthing." 

Vain  Protests  of  Chlum.  The  chivalrous  Chlum, 
burning  with  indignation  at  the  outrage,  reproached  the 
cardinals  for  their  baseness.  From  them  he  rushed  to  the 
pope,  reminding  him  of  his  promise  and  threatening  to 
publish  abroad  how  grossly  the  safe-conduct  had  been 
violated.  Pope  John  coolly  excused  himself,  saying  that 
he  was  powerless  in  the  matter,  that  '^his  brethren,"  as 
he  called  the  cardinals,  were  quite  beyond  his  control. 
"  But  he  deceived  him,"  pithily  remarks  the  chronicler. 
Eeferred  to  the  cardinals,  Chlum  went  from  one  to  the 
other.  They  gave  him  evasive  answers  or  openly  de- 
clared that  no  faith  was  to  be  kept  with  heretics.  In 
desperation,  the  loyal  friend  of  Hus  turned  to  the  people 
gathered  about  the  palace.  All  in  vain.  Taunts  and 
threats  were  the  only  response  to  his  appeals  for  sympathy. 
''A  madman  and  coward  like  Hus,"  said  they,  '^was 
quite  unworthy  of  such  sympathy  and  friendship."  The 
enemies  of  Hus  had  subsidized  the  dregs  of  the  mob  in 
their  cause.  By  the  spread  of  artful  rumours  and,  prob- 
ably, by  liberal  use  of  gold  they  had  moved  the  rude 
populace  to  delight  in  insulting  defenseless  misery. 
Thus  fruitlessly  did  Chlum  spend  the  day. 

Hus  a  Prisoner  in  the  Dominican  Monastery.  Mean- 
time, Hus  was  taken,  in  the  evening,  to  the  house  of  the 
precentor  of  the  cathedral,  where  he  was  kept  for  ^  week. 


AT  CONSTANCE  109 

closely  guarded.  Then  he  was  removed  to  a  Dominican 
monastery,  situated  on  a  small  island  in  the  lake  and 
separated  from  the  rest  of  the  city  by  a  very  slender 
watercourse.  From  the  windows  of  this  building,  the 
eyes  of  the  monks  could  range  over  a  wide  expanse  of 
placid  waters  and  see,  in  the  distance,  the  snow-clad 
peaks  of  the  Appenzell  Alps  glittering  in  the  sun  or 
covered  with  soft,  transparent  veils  of  mist.  But  no  such 
glorious  prosi)ect  was  to  cheer  the  harassed  soul  of  the 
reformer.  In  a  round  tower,  a  few  feet  from  the  water's 
edge,  was  an  underground  dungeon,  dark  and  gloomy. 
Into  this  he  was  mercilessly  cast.  The  sewer  of  the  con- 
vent passed  close  by.  The  noxious  stench  of  the  place 
soon  threw  him  into  a  dangerous  fever,  which  brought 
him  to  the  brink  of  the  grave.  The  pope  was  not  anxious 
that  he  should  die  a  natural  death.  The  noted  heretic 
might  be  very  useful  in  the  pope's  effort  to  divert  the  at- 
tention of  the  council  from  himself  to  the  subject  of 
heresy.  Accordingly,  physicians  waited  on  the  prisoner. 
It  is  said  that  the  pope  directed  his  own  physician  to  at- 
tend him.  By  their  orders,  on  the  ground  of  professional 
humanity,  Hus  was  removed  to  a  more  healthful  cell  and 
treated  with  less  rigour. 

He  was  held  in  the  convent  for  two  months  and  a  half. 
He  was  not  left  undisturbed.  While  his  friends  were  en- 
deavouring to  help  him,  his  enemies,  with  equal  energy 
and  better  prospects  of  success,  strove  to  bring  about  his 
ruin.  Through  their  influence,  the  council  appointed  a 
commission  of  three  prelates  to  investigate  and  report  on 
the  case  of  Hus.  For  these  commissioners  Michael  de 
Causis  and  Stephen  Palec  drew  up  a  series  of  accusations 
based  mainly  on  statements  in  Hus's  treatise  Be  Ecclesia. 
Some  of  these  accusations  were  false.  Others  were  skill- 
fully and  ignobly  twisted  statements  of  the  reformer. 
With  fiendish  ingenuity,  the  foes  seized  on  the  moment 


110  JOHN  HUS 

when  Hus  was  weak  through  illness  and  depressed  by  the 
treachery  of  which  he  had  been  the  victim  as  the  favour- 
able one  to  confront  him  with  the  commissioners  and  as 
many  witnesses  as  possible. 

Imagination  can  vividly  picture  the  shameful  spectacle 
of  a  straightforward,  truthful  man,  as  Hus  was,  attacked 
by  such  malicious  adversaries.  Weak  and  helpless 
though  he  still  was,  they  worried  him  with  questions. 
They  came  to  him  repeatedly.  Once,  when  Hus's  illness 
was  at  its  worst,  they  brought  fifteen  witnesses  into  his 
prison  on  the  same  day.  Hus  felt  how  much  he  was  at  a 
disadvantage  and  begged  that  he  might  be  allowed  to 
employ  an  advocate  for  his  defense.  His  request  was 
sternly  refused.  A  man  accused  of  heresy,  said  the  com- 
missioners, had  no  right  to  expect  the  protection  of  the 
law.  The  refusal  to  allow  Hus  to  secure  a  legal  repre- 
sentative sealed  his  fate.  So  it  was  openly  stated  after- 
wards by  John  Gerson,  one  of  the  ablest  members  of  the 
council.  Thus  handicapped,  unfairly  dealt  with,  pestered 
and  persecuted,  God  only  knew,  as  Hus  himself  wrote, 
what  he  suffered.  Even  so,  it  does  not  appear  that  his 
indefatigable  foes  caught  their  victim  in  any  damaging 
or  contradictory  statement.  The  result  of  the  investiga- 
tion was  that  the  commissioners  drew  up  a  new  act  of  ac- 
cusation, consisting  of  forty-four  articles,  all  drawn  from 
the  treatise  De  Ecclesia.  Mladenovic,  the  faithful  diarist, 
says  of  them,  "These  had  been  falsely  and  unfairly  ex- 
tracted from  the  book  by  Palec,  who  had  mutilated  some 
sentences  at  the  beginning,  others  in  the  middle,  others 
at  the  end,  and  who  had,  also,  invented  things  that  were 
not  contained  in  the  book  at  all.'' 

Efforts  of  Friends.  The  friends  of  Hus  did  not  remain 
inactive.  They  continued  to  urge  his  liberation.  The 
loyal  Lord  John  was  particularly  energetic.     He  wrote 


AT  CONSTANCE  111 

to  the  emperor,  who  did  not  reach  Constance  until 
Christmas,  he  besought  the  pope  and  the  cardinals,  he 
tried  to  rouse  all  Constance.  But  his  efforts  were  fruit- 
less. The  emperor,  indeed,  sent  a  message  requiiing  the 
immediate  release  of  Hus  and  after  reaching  Constance, 
repeatedly  and  vehemently  demanded  of  the  cardinals — or 
pretended  to— that  they  should  respect  the  safe-conduct. 
But  they  remained  inflexible.  Faith,  they  claimed,  need 
not  be  kept  with  a  heretic.  When  intelligence  of  the  im- 
prisonment of  Hus  reached  Bohemia,  the  Bohemian 
Council,  voicing  the  indignation  of  the  outraged  country- 
men of  the  reformer,  addressed  to  Sigismund  a  letter  of 
guarded  but  significant  remonstrance.  But  Sigismund 
did  not  heed  the  warning.  He  was,  doubtless,  glad  to 
know  that  Hus  was  safe  under  lock  and  key.  He  did  not 
wish  to  offend  the  majority  of  the  church  council,  who 
considered  Hus  a  pestilent  heretic  and  demanded  that  he 
be  punished.  In  order  that  the  council  might  not, 
over  the  case  of  Hus,  be  turned  from  its  main  object,  the 
healing  of  the  schism,  he  allowed  his  sacred  word  to  be 
violated.  He  sacrificed  Hus  in  the  interests  of  that  out- 
ward church  unity  which  he  blindly  sought.  Such 
treachery  was  bound  to  lead  to  evil  consequences.  It 
cost  Sigismund  more  than  he  could  foresee  or  imagine. 
It  led  to  long  and  bitter  conflicts.  It  came  back  to  him 
in  battles,  defeats,  panics,  retreats,  disgrace. 

In  one  thing  only  Hus  and  his  friends  were  successful. 
During  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  in  the  monastery, 
they  were  able  to  communicate  with  each  other.  In 
spite  of  the  vigilance  of  spies,  letters  were  passed  by 
means  of  Polish  visitors  and  the  kind  offices  of  one  of  the 
jailers,  Eobert,  whom  Hus  had  made  his  devoted  servant 
and  to  whom  he  continually  alludes  in  his  letters  as  '^  the 
faithful  friend,"  '^  that  good  man."  The  writings  which 
issued  from  his  prison  cell  attest  his  incessant  activity. 


112  JOHN  HUS 

even  though  he  was  enfeebled  through  disease  and  badg- 
ered almost  daily  by  his  enemies.  His  letters  show  that 
his  trust  in  God  and  in  the  j  ustiee  of  his  cause  remained 
unshaken.  They  breathe  a  noble  Christian  spirit.  Not 
even  the  harshness  of  his  treatment  provokes  a  single  ut- 
terance inconsistent  with  his  habitual  gentleness.  He 
wastes  no  time  in  cherishing  resentments.  Rarely  has 
even  martyr  faith  won  more  signal  triumph  than  when  in 
his  trying  situation  patient  endurance  was  crowned  with 
grateful  hope.  He  is  divided  between  a  calm  readiness 
to  die  and  a  more  or  less  positive  hope  of  restoration  to 
liberty.  There  is  no  trace  of  obstinacy.  He  is  willing  to 
listen  to  argument,  to  be  corrected  if  he  has  erred.  Yet 
he  is  true  to  his  convictions.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find 
anywhere  more  decisive  evidence  of  love  of  truth  for  its 
own  sake  than  was  shown  in  Hus.  His  letters  do  not 
suggest  the  self-importance  of  the  leader  or  the  pride  of  a 
champion.  He  possessed,  indeed,  a  strong  intellect,  a 
fearless  spirit,  fervid  eloquence,  but  his  estimate  of  him- 
self is  humble. 

Continued  Literary  Work.  Besides  letters,  Hus 
penned,  in  prison,  several  short  treatises,  mainly  for  the 
benefit  of  the  jailer,  Eobert.  Like  the  jailer  of  Socrates, 
this  man  treated  Hus  with  uniform  kindness,  was  deeply 
moved  by  the  patience  with  which  he  bore  his  sufi'eriugs 
and  was  led  to  adopt  some  of  the  reformer's  views.  Such 
treatises  were  on  "  The  Lord's  Prayer,"  *'  The  Ten  Com- 
mandments," "On  Marriage,"  *' which  estate,  please 
God,  Eobert  is  shortly  about  to  enter,"  "  On  The  Lord's 
Supper, "  written  for  edification  rather  than  for  contro- 
versy. Hus  was,  moreover,  a  watchful  observer  of  the 
events  that  were  happening  around  him.  He  took  note 
of  what  was  transpiring  in  the  council  and  estimated 
shrewdly  anything  that  might  have  a  bearing  on  his  own 


AT  CONSTANCE  113 

fate.  With  tender  solicitude  he  received  aud  considered 
any  tidings  of  the  progress  of  the  work  of  reform  in  his 
native  land.  He  did  not  neglect  to  confirm,  in  his  time 
of  trial,  the  faith  aud  devotion  of  his  disciples  at  Prague. 
In  that  city  theological  reflection  and  discussion  had  be- 
come a  more  constant  and  all-absorbing  occupation,  in 
consequence  of  the  intense  interest  felt  in  the  fate  of  Hus. 
Not  long  after  the  departure  of  Hus  for  Constance,  a  new 
religious  practice  was  introduced.  Jacobellus  of  Stribro, 
one  of  the  most  prominent  masters  of  the  University  of 
Prague  and  a  friend  of  Hus,  first  publicly  stated  that,  ac- 
cording to  Scripture,  the  sacrament  of  Holy  Communion 
should  be  received  in  both  kinds  by  laymen  as  well  as  by 
priests.  He  and  other  priests  began  to  dispense  both  the 
bread  and  the  wine.  Hus  was  consulted  concerning  the 
practice  while  he  was  in  prison.  He  approved  of  it,  and, 
thus,  he  took  another  step  in  the  direction  of  evangelical 
liberty.  But,  while  he  rejoiced  that  his  followers  were 
departing  farther  and  farther  from  the  uuscriptural  rules 
and  restrictions  of  Romanism,  this  matter  complicated  his 
case  before  the  council  where,  in  due  order,  it  was  re- 
ported to  his  discredit. 

Work  of  the  Council.  All  this  time,  while  Hus  was 
languishing  in  prison,  with  friends  working  for  his  release 
and  enemies  for  his  destruction,  the  council  had  been 
occupied  with  other  matters.  It  had  been  opened,  in 
November,  with  splendid  ceremonial  by  the  pope.  When 
the  emperor's  presence  completed  the  pomp  and  authority 
of  the  council  at  Christmas  time,  there  was  even  more 
imposing  religious  service.  Then  followed  endless  nego- 
tiation between  the  pope  and  the  emperor,  between  the 
pope  and  the  college  of  cardinals,  dissensions  between 
the  cardinals  and  the  other  members  of  the  council. 
Daily  congregations  were  held,  at  which  the  policy  of 


114  JOHN  HUS 

the  council  and  the  measures  to  be  taken  were  earnestly, 
and  sometimes  angrily,  discussed.  The  party  of  the 
pope  and  the  party  of  the  emperor  and  the  cardinals 
played  adroitly  against  each  other  for  advantage.  The 
question  whether  a  j)ope  was  subject  to  the  authority  of 
a  council  or  not  was  hotly  debated.  The  party  of  the 
emperor  and  the  cardinals  was  determined  to  devote 
attention,  first  of  all,  to  the  healing  of  the  schism.  The 
idea  gained  ground  that  all  three  popes  should  be  set 
aside.  Pope  John  tried  to  parry  the  blow.  The  foil  he 
used  was  the  heresy  of  Hus.  Secret  consultations  were 
held  outside  of  the  council  on  the  troublesome  question 
of  getting  rid  of  Pope  John.  But  they  could  not  be  kept 
secret  from  him.  His  paid  spies  ferreted  out  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  most  secret  sessions.  Busy  hands  were 
pulling  the  wires  of  ecclesiastical  intrigue.  Behind  the 
scenes  there  were  plotting  and  counter-plotting,  bargain 
and  sale,  log-rolling  and  bribery,  the  details  of  which  no 
history  could  record.  Such  was  the  council  before  which 
Hus  was  to  plead  his  cause  ! 

Notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  the  pope  to  the  con- 
trary, the  council  proceeded  with  the  work  of  healing 
the  schism.  It  was  proposed  to  Pope  John  that,  as  the 
Good  Shepherd  had  laid  down  His  life  for  the  sheep,  he 
should  by  voluntarily  resigning  help  the  work  of  restor- 
ing the  unity  of  the  Church.  This  piously  worded  sug- 
gestion was  not  to  the  taste  of  Pope  John.  By  every  art 
and  artifice,  he  tried  to  evade  the  issue.  He  answered 
vaguely.  He  promised  and  protested.  He  sought  refuge 
in  one  subterfuge  after  another.  But  the  struggle  reached 
a  crisis.  He  realized  that  his  last  throw  must  be  made, 
particularly  because  his  life  of  crimes  and  enormities 
would  not  bear  investigation.  He  informed  the  council 
that  he  would  yield  and  then  he  prepared  to  escape.  He 
managed  this  very  skillfully.     Spies  of  the  emperor  and 


AT  CONSTANCE  116 

the  cardinals  watched  his  every  movemcDt.  He  pre- 
vailed on  his  fricEd,  Duke  Frederick  of  Austria,  to 
arrange  for  a  touruament.  While  all  were  watching  its 
proceedings,  Pope  John  fled,  disguised  as  a  groom.  His 
departure  caused  a  panic  at  Constance.  It  seemed  prob- 
able that  the  council  would  break  up.  By  the  energy 
and  i^rompt  action  of  Sigismuud  and  certain  leaders  of 
the  council,  order  was  restored  and  the  council  continued 
its  sittings. 

The  time  of  confusion  was  one  of  both  peril  and  possi- 
bility for  Hus.  Of  peril,  because  he  almost  starved  to 
death.  Food-supply,  that  appears  to  have  been  arranged 
for  by  the  orders  of  the  pope,  was  cut  off  when  the  pope's 
officers  followed  their  master.  Hus  managed  to  inform 
his  friends  that  his  guards  had  fled.  They  found  him 
tUint  and  prostrate  in  chains.  The  situation,  also,  had 
its  possibilities.  Since  the  flight  of  the  pope,  Sigismund 
was  the  undisputed  master  of  the  city.  It  was  entirely 
in  his  power  to  liberate  Hus.  Thereby  he  might  have 
redeemed  his  word  and  wiped  a  foul  blot  from  his  name. 
But  he  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  entreaties  of  the  Bohe- 
mians. In  conference  with  the  cardinals,  he  decided  that 
Hus  should  be  committed  to  the  custody  of  the  Bishop  of 
Constance. 

Hus  at  Castle  Gottlieben.  About  four  miles  from  the 
city,  this  prelate  had  a  castle,  on  the  Rhine,  called  Gott- 
lieben. It  had  two  quadrangular  towers,  nearly  two 
hundred  feet  high.  One  of  these  is  still  called  the  '^  Hus- 
senthurm."  In  the  night  of  Palm  Sunday,  March  24th, 
Pins,  heavily  fettered,  was  taken  in  a  boat  to  this  castle. 
His  imprisonment  here  was  in  every  way  a  change  for 
the  worse.  Immediately  under  the  roof  of  the  tower  was 
a  small  wooden  structure  or  cage,  of  two  compartments. 
Into  one  of  these  he  was  thrust.     His  arm  was  pinioned 


116  JOHN  HUS 

to  the  wall,  at  night  his  feet  were  chained  to  a  block. 
In  this  miserable  plight  he  remained  for  more  than  two 
months,  suffering  from  hunger  and  cold  and  from  painful 
attacks  of  neuralgia,  hemorrhage  and  stone,  brought  on 
by  the  damp,  spring  winds  that  swept  through  the  win- 
dows of  the  tower.  His  keepers  were  brutal.  With  his 
friends  he  could  not  communicate.  For  a  time  they  did 
not  even  know  what  had  become  of  him.  It  was  the 
intention  of  his  foes,  according  to  the  methods  of  the 
Inquisition,  to  break  his  spirit  by  long  drawn  out  torture. 
It  was  hoped  that  thus  he  would  be  brought  to  confess 
anything  which  it  was  desirable  that  he  should  confess. 
His  only  visitors  were  the  new  commissioners  appointed 
by  the  council,  after  the  flight  of  the  pope,  to  continue 
the  examination  of  Hus. 

They  visited  him  several  times  at  Gottlieben.  There 
were  men  among  them  who  would  rather  browbeat  an 
invalid  and  argue  with  one  too  weak  to  defend  his  own 
cause  than  contend  with  the  unimpaired,  vigorous  energy 
of  thought  and  action  that  had  electrified  a  whole  king- 
dom. Upon  the  report  of  the  commissioners,  the  council 
published  a  declaration,  summing  up  forty-five  articles 
of  Wyclif  that  had  been  condemned  at  Eome  two  years 
before.  As  it  could  be  shown  that  many  similar  state- 
ments might  be  found  in  the  works  of  Hus,  this  was 
regarded  as  involving  the  condemnation  of  Hus,  though 
he  protested  that  he  did  not  agree  with  Wyclif  on  all 
points.  As  the  commission  found  Hus  meek  and  patient 
but  firm,  his  prison  doors  remained  closed. 

Pope  John  at  Gottlieben.  Once  they  were  opened.  It 
was  to  admit  a  second  prisoner.  He  was  none  other  than 
the  deposed  Pope  John.  The  course  of  the  fugitive  had 
soon  come  to  this  pass.  His  friend,  Duke  Frederick  of 
Austria,  had  been  compelled  to  make  his  peace  with  the 


!.>       ^f^^- 

t           :•  ivt. 

'Hns  Tower,"  in  Dominican  Monastery 


Castle  Gottlieben.  on  the  Rhine 


AT  CONSTANCE  117 

emperor  on  humiliating  terms.  Among  other  stipula- 
tions, he  agreed  to  give  up  all  support  of  the  runaway 
pope.  For  a  few  days,  the  reformer,  of  unsullied  moral 
character,  and  the  wretched  Pope  John,  convicted  by  the 
council  on  fifty- four  charges  and  declared  by  it  to  be 
"  the  mirror  of  infamy,  an  idolater  of  the  flesh  and  one 
whom  all  who  knew  him  considered  a  devil  incarnate, '' 
were  fellow  prisoners.  History  furnishes  few  instances 
of  greater  contrast,  none  more  ironical  in  its  final  issue. 
The  pope's  punishment  was  a  short  term  of  imprison- 
ment. After  the  close  of  the  council,  he  made  his  peace 
with  the  new  pope,  Martin  V,  by  whom  he  was  again 
created  a  cardinal.  Upon  his  death,  in  Florence,  he  was 
buried  with  all  honour  in  a  magnificent  tomb,  still  ad- 
mired by  visitors  to  that  Italian  city.  Hus,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  acknowledged  even  by  his  enemies  to  be  a  man 
illustrious  for  his  purity  of  life.  But  he  dared  to  think  for 
himself.  His  very  virtues  made  it  needful  that  he  should 
suffer  the  hideous,  painful  death  which  the  Chiistianity 
of  the  middle  ages  seems  to  have  borrowed  from  Nero. 
Eevolt  against  its  system  was  the  one  crime  for  which 
Romanism  of  that  day  had  no  pardons  to  sell. 

Public  Hearing  of  Hus  Arranged.  In  the  ordinary 
course  of  events,  nothing  further  would  have  been  heard 
of  Hus  in  his  prison.  He  would  have  been  left  to  lan- 
guish there  until  his  spirit  was  broken  or  until  it  would 
have  been  possible  to  destroy  him  secretly.  But  when 
the  case  of  the  pope  was  disposed  of,  the  friends  of  Hus 
were  resolved  to  secure  the  public  hearing  Sigismund 
had  promised.  The  nobles  in  Moravia,  assembled  at 
Briinn,  sent  a  spirited  remonstrance  to  the  emperor,  in 
behalf  of  their  countryman.  A  similar  letter  was  dis- 
patched from  Prague  by  the  assembled  nobles  of  Bohemia. 
The  two  letters  bear  the  signatures  of  almost  all  the  men 


118  JOHN  HUS 

then  prominent  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  excepting  the 
dignitaries  of  the  Church.  The  Bohemian  nobles  at  Con- 
stance again  bestirred  themselves.  Some  Polish  noble- 
men at  the  council  seconded  their  representations  to  the 
council,  demanding  that  Hus  should  be  publicly  heard. 
They  wanted  him  released  from  custody,  that  he  might 
recover  his  health  for  the  examination,  and  they  offered 
to  provide  sureties  who  would  guarantee  that  Hus  would 
not  attempt  to  escape  from  Constance  before  his  case  was 
judged.  The  council  absolutely  refused  to  liberate  Hus 
on  any  terms.  The  enemies  of  Hus  did  not  even  want  to 
have  a  public  hearing.  They  did  all  they  could  to  pre- 
vent it.  They  dreaded  to  have  Hus  appear  in  person 
before  the  council.  They  knew  the  power  of  his  elo- 
quence and  feared  its  effect.  They  had  felt  the  blows  of 
his  logic,  and  in  controversial  discussions  with  him  they 
had  not  come  off  with  the  prestige  of  success.  But  the 
politic  Sigismund  felt  the  imprudence,  if  not  the  injustice, 
of  utterly  refusing  the  demands  of  so  many  nobles  of  Bo- 
hemia and  Moravia.  The  enemies  were  obliged  to  ac- 
cede to  a  public  hearing,  as  wrung  from  them  by  political 
necessities. 

The  Bohemian  and  Moravian  lords  had  achieved  a  suc- 
cess— the  only  one  in  the  long,  and  from  the  first,  hope- 
less, campaign  in  favour  of  Hus.  He  was,  at  least,  to 
appear  before  his  judges.  Though  the  proceedings  at  the 
trial  proved  to  be  anything  but  just,  his  public  appear- 
ance and  condemnation  emphasized  to  all  the  world  his 
lifelong  protest  against  the  tyranny  and  errors  of  the 
corrupt  church. 


yn 

TEIAL  AND  DEATH  OF  HUS 

THE  Issue  Between  Hus  and  the  Council.  The 
circumstances  of  the  trial  and  condemnation  of 
John  Hus  present  a  curious  and  instructive  con- 
tradiction. The  council  granted  Hus  a  public  hearing 
most  reluctantly.  It  did  so  with  the  firm  intention  that 
he  should  be  declared  guilty  and  under  any  conditions 
prevented  from  returning  to  Bohemia.  A  helpless  victim 
in  the  hands  of  his  foes,  his  doom  was  predetermined. 
Hus,  calm  in  conscious  innocence,  unshaken  by  all  his 
misfortunes,  could  not  but  share  the  well-grounded  fears 
of  his  friends.  His  mind  was  fully  made  up  to  meet  the 
worst.  His  eyes  were  opened.  He  saw  the  great  gather- 
ing of  the  leaders  of  the  Church,  representatives  of  its 
learning  and  its  piety,  swayed  by  gross  injustice,  clinging 
to  traditions  of  human  invention,  stooping  to  the  trick  of 
fastening  on  his  system  articles  which  he  had  never  taught 
and  treating  him  as  a  common  criminal.  And  yet  the 
purpose  for  which  the  council  had  met  and  the  cause  for 
which  he  had  laboured  were  the  same— the  reformation 
of  the  Church.  And,  furthermore,  he  had  not  gone  fur- 
ther, nor  been  bolder  in  denouncing  the  errors  and  sins 
of  the  Church  than  had  some  of  the  fathers  of  the  coun- 
cil who  now  sat  in  judgment  upon  him. 

Why  was  it  that  he  was  rejected  and  they  were  hon- 
oured ?  Why  was  it  that  prejudice  had  built  up  between 
him  and  the  council  an  impenetrable  wall,  as  of  granite, 
from    which    argument,   appeal,    remonstrance    all    re- 

119 


120  JOHN  HUS 

bounded  ?  The  principles  from  which  the  council  and 
Hus,  respectively,  proceeded  were  different  and  irrecon- 
cilable. The  one  upheld  the  traditional  authority  of  the 
Church,  to  which  authority  the  individual  must  submit 
unconditionally  in  matters  of  faith,  the  other  maintained 
the  right  of  private  research  and  judgment.  The  one 
wished  to  reform  the  Church  out  of  itself  and  through 
itself,  the  other  contended  for  a  reformation  according  to 
the  ideal  of  early  Christianity  as  set  forth  in  the  New 
Testament.  *'  Hus  became  a  martyr  not  so  much  to  his 
conviction  of  the  untruth  of  current  beliefs  as  because 
of  his  fidelity  to  conscience.^ '  He  took  his  stand  as  a  fear- 
less champion  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Word  of  God  over 
the  traditions  of  men  and  of  the  liberty  of  conscience  over 
the  tyranny  of  authority.  Few  scenes  in  history  are  more 
touching  or  ennobling  than  that  of  the  steadfastness  with 
which  he  refused  to  swerve  from  conscientious  convictions 
of  truth,  even  to  save  his  life.  He  ''followed  the  gleam  " 
to  the  end,  not  counting  the  cost.  He  emphasized  the 
great  modern  idea  that  the  force  of  truth  lies  not  so  much 
in  unreasoning  authority  as  in  the  appeal  which  it  makes 
to  a  man's  consciousness  and  conscience.  This  gives  his 
last  letters  undying  value  and  marks  the  rise  of  a  new 
age.  As  a  scholarly  writer  well  points  out,  *'A  new 
spirit  had  arisen  in  Christendom  when  a  man  felt  that  his 
life  and  character  had  been  so  definitely  built  up  round 
opinions  which  the  Church  condemned,  that  it  was  easier 
for  him  to  die  than  to  resign  the  truths  which  made  him 
what  he  was.'' 

This  view  of  the  case  must  be  so  far  modified  as  to 
admit  that  there  were  other  forces  working  towards  the 
undoing  of  Hus.  The  bitter  animosity  of  the  Bohemian 
clergy  whose  wrong-doing  he  had  mercilessly  uncovered, 
the  unceasing  scheming  of  his  personal  foes,  the  antag- 
onism of  rival  philosophical  schools,  the  national  preju- 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  121 

dices  of  Germans  and  Bohemians  strengthened  by  the 
German  exodus  from  the  University  of  Prague,  for  which 
occurrence  Hus  was  held  responsible— all  these  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  his  condemnation. 

Hus  Again  in  Constance.  Shortly  before  the  trial, 
Hus  was  brought  back  in  chains  from  Gottlieben  to  Con- 
^  stance,  where  he  was  lodged  in  a  monastery  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan Order.  This  was  to  be  the  last  of  his  prisons.  On 
arriving  there,  he  found  opportunity  for  resuming  cor- 
respondence with  his  friends.  From  this  it  appears  that 
Hus  had  not  entirely  given  up  hope  as  to  the  effects  of 
the  public  audience.  But  whatever  illusions  on  that 
score  he  and  his  friends  may  still  have  cherished  were 
dispelled  by  a  significant  incident,  which  occurred  at  the 
very  beginning  of  the  trial.  A  congregation  of  the  coun- 
cil had  been  summoned  to  meet  in  the  refectory  of  the 
Franciscan  monastery  on  the  morning  of  June  5th.  The 
intention  seems  to  have  been  to  satisfy  Sigismund  by  a 
public  condemnation,  but  in  the  absence  of  Hus  himself. 
A  document  had  been  prepared  enumerating  the  accusa- 
tions against  Hus  and  ending  with  the  sentence  of  his 
condemnation.  The  accusations  were  being  read  out  be- 
fore Hus  was  admitted  to  the  hall.  A  young  Bohemian 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  glance  at  the  document  and  read 
the  passage  of  condemnation.  He  reported  the  matter  to 
the  Lords  Chlum  and  Duba,  who  lost  no  time  in  inform- 
ing Sigismund.  The  latter  immediately  sent  orders  that 
nothing  should  be  done  until  Hus  himself  was  present. 
Thus  the  crafty  plan  was  frustrated. 

First  Hearing  of  Hus.  Hus  was  now  introduced  to 
the  hall.  So  he  had  at  last  his  desire  and  stood  lefore 
the  council.  Very  different  was  the  reality  from  his 
dreams.     He  had  expected  to  defend  his  doctrines  to  a 


122  JOHN  HUS 

listening  senate  in  an  extended  address.  But,  from  the 
first,  the  sitting  was  a  disgraceful  proceeding.  Articles 
of  accusation  were  read  from  his  book  Be  Ecclesia  and 
his  writings  against  Palec  and  Stanislas.  Hus  con- 
tented himself  with  declaring  that  if  there  was  anything 
evil  or  erroneous  in  his  writings  he  was  prepared  to 
amend  it.  Then  statements  of  witnesses  were  read.  Hus 
attempted  to  reply,  but  he  was  interrupted  with  loud 
cries  "  as  with  one  voice."  He  was  obliged  to  turn  now 
this  way,  now  that  to  answer  those  who  were  crying  out 
at  him.  He  wished  to  show  that  certain  articles  drawn 
from  his  writings  had  been  misrepresented.  ^^  Stop  your 
sophistry,  say,  Yes  or  JS'o ! "  some  screamed.  He  cited 
the  church  fathers.  The  tumult  became  greater.  When 
he  ceased  sj)eaking,  they  exclaimed,  "Behold,  thou  art 
silent,  thou  hast  admitted  thy  errors  !  "  Luther's  com- 
ment on  the  scene  is,  "All  worked  themselves  into  a  rage 
like  wild  boars  ;  the  bristles  of  their  backs  stood  on  end  ; 
they  bent  their  brows  and  gnashed  their  teeth  against 
John  Hus."  Amid  all  the  wild  confusion,  Hus  was  not 
dismayed.  He  maintained  a  dignified  bearing  and  showed 
a  manly  self-possession.  When  order  had  been  somewhat 
restored,  he  remarked  in  a  loud  voice  that  rang  through 
the  apartment,  ' '  I  supposed  that  there  would  have  been 
more  fairness,  kindness  and  order  in  the  council. "  The 
rebuke  told.  The  more  moderate  members  of  the  coun- 
cil were  disgusted.  To  save  the  honour  of  the  council, 
they  demanded  that  the  sitting  should  be  adjourned  and 
the  trial  continued  on  June  7th.  That  same  night  Hus 
wrote  to  his  friends  to  reassure  them  of  his  constancy. 
This  letter  is  remarkable  as  showing  that  Hus  now  dis- 
cerned the  real  issue  on  which  he  would  be  condemned. 

Second  Hearing.     On  June  7th,  Hus  was  again  brought 
before  the  council.     To  the  consternation  of  all,  the  day 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  123 

was  ushered  Id  by  an  eclipse  of  the  sun.  The  supersti- 
tion of  the  age  regarded  it  as  a  strange  omen.  At  Prague 
the  citizens  believed  that  the  phenomenon  foreshadowed 
the  doom  of  their  beloved  master.  Darkness  covered  the 
city  of  Constance,  and  lights  had  to  be  lit  in  the  refectory 
of  the  monastery  when  the  trial  was  resumed.  Sigis- 
muud  took  good  care  to  be  present,  so  that  better  order 
might  be  maiutained.  Articles  of  accusation  against  Hus 
were  again  read  out.  Discussion  turned,  first  of  all,  on 
the  difficult  questions  connected  with  the  Lord's  Supper. 
Cardinal  D'Ailly,  famed  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
philosophers  of  the  day,  presided.  This  ''Hammer  of 
heretics,"  as  he  was  proud  to  be  called,  thought  it  would 
be  easy  for  him  to  smite  down  Hus  with  his  searching 
questions  and  the  vigour  of  pitiless  logic.  That  Hus  was 
a  man  of  learning  and  not  unversed  in  j)hilosophical  con- 
troversy, he  certainly  proved  on  this  occasion.  In  this 
scholastic  duel  he  was,  undoubtedly,  successful.  He  ex- 
pressed his  joy  over  his  defense  in  a  letter  that  evening. 

Then  witnesses  were  summoned,  mainly  Bohemians. 
The  purpose  of  their  depositions  was  to  show  the  entire 
dependence  of  Hus  on  Wyclif.  As  the  writings  of  the 
latter  had  already  been  condemned,  the  establishing  of 
such  a  relation  of  Hus  to  Wyclif  would  be  most  convenient 
to  the  council,  as  involving  a  condemnation  of  Hus.  Hus 
endeavoured  to  show  that  his  approval  of  the  doctrines  of 
Wyclif  did  not  imply  his  complete  acceptance  of  all  the 
teachings  of  the  English  reformer.  He  tried  to  define  the 
difference  between  his  own  views  and  those  of  Wyclif  on 
several  subjects.  But  he  was  again  interrupted  by  loud 
cries.  Then,  one  by  one,  the  old  controversies  and  dis- 
putes were  brought  into  court.  Eight  of  the  articles  of 
accusation  were  read  out  on  this  day.  When  the  article 
referring  to  Hus's  appeal  to  Jesus  Christ  from  the  bull  of 
the  pope  was  read,  it  was  received  by  the  assembly  with 


124  JOHN  HUS 

jeers  and  mockery.  In  this  as  in  other  parts  of  the 
deliberation,  the  real  issue  between  Has  and  the  council 
came  to  the  surface.  The  council  was  jealous  of  its 
authority,  as  representing  the  authority  of  the  Church. 
Its  chief  ground  of  complaint  against  Hus  was  that  he 
disowned  the  authority  of  the  Church  and  acknowledged 
no  authority  as  final  except  the  Scriptures,  as  they  were 
clear  to  him.  Members  of  the  council  had  pulled  an  of- 
fending pope  from  his  throne,  but  they  were  wedded  to 
the  doctrine  of  priestly  authority.  As  they  were  now 
dealing  with  a  professed  reformer,  they  were  determined 
to  mark  the  limits  of  the  reform  they  proposed  to  achieve. 
With  them  traditional  authority  of  the  Church  had  be- 
come a  wall  against  freedom  of  conscience.  As  Provi- 
dence has  found  other  champions  of  liberty  at  like 
junctures,  so  in  this  case,  Hus  was  found  to  have  the  in- 
tellectual and  moral  courage  to  break  through  stifling 
restraints,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  in  order  to  open  new 
paths  for  the  onward  march  of  God's  people. 

The  session  ended  with  the  cardinal's  advising  Hus  to  un- 
qualified submission  to  the  council.  * '  If  you  do  this,  you 
will  best  consult  your  safety  and  your  standing."  Such 
a  course  as  the  cardinal  advised  would  have  propitiated 
the  council.  Sigismund  snatched  at  it  as  the  right  solu- 
tion. If  the  prisoner  would  but  admit  the  supremacy  of 
the  council,  in  all  matters  of  faith,  it  would  ease  the 
situation.  To  that  end  he  gave  Hus  some  very  plain  ad- 
vice. He  strongly  urged  him  to  recant.  He  declared 
that  he  would  grant  no  protection  to  *'  any  heretic  who  is 
obstinately  determined  to  stick  to  his  heresy.  So  I 
counsel  you  to  fling  yourself  on  the  grace  of  the  council ; 
the  quicker  the  better,  lest  you  fall  into  a  worse  plight." 
This  Hus  could  not  do,  but  he  again  expressed  himself  as 
willing  to  amend  his  teaching  wherever  it  had  been  shown 
to  be  false,  according  to  the  Scriptures. 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  125 

Third  Hearing.  After  a  sleepless  night  of  pain,  Hus 
was  brought  up  for  his  final  hearing  on  June  8th.  An 
enormous  mass  of  evidence  against  him  had  been  col- 
lected by  de  Causis  and  Palec.  Thirty-nine  articles  had 
to  be  read  out.  Twenty-six  of  them,  extracted  from  his 
treatise  De  Ecclesia  were  first  communicated.  These  had 
previously  been  shown  to  Hus  and  his  replies  noted 
down.  It  was  easy  for  the  accusers  of  Hus  to  show  from 
these  articles  that  the  reformer  had  written  strongly 
against  the  organization  and  administration  of  the  Eoman 
Church,  as  it  was  in  his  day.  It  was  not  so  easy  to  con- 
vict him  of  heretical  statements  with  respect  to  matters 
of  doctrine,  even  though  his  accusers  did  not  scruple  to 
alter  and  distort  his  statements.  One  point  of  doctrine, 
in  which  the  accusers  found  that  Hus  differed  from  the 
teaching  of  the  Roman  Church,  was  the  difficult  question 
of  predestination.  He  was  charged  with  saying  that  no 
outward  sign  and  no  high  place  and  no  choice  of  man 
could  constitute  one  a  member  of  the  Church,  but  only 
the  electing  grace  of  God.  Hus  admitted  the  charge  and 
illustrated  his  position  by  saying  that  Judas  Iscariot, 
without  this  grace  of  God,  was  not  a  member,  although 
he  possessed  all  the  other  evidences.  He  further  main- 
tained that  his  opinions  on  this  doctrine  accorded  with  the 
teachings  of  St.  Augustine.  But  the  school  of  theologians 
that  was  most  influential  at  the  council  was,  secretly  at 
least,  hostile  to  many  views  of  that  saint.  Some  articles 
preferred  charges  against  Hus  on  account  of  his  sermons 
to  laymen  against  scandalous  priests  and  for  celebrating 
the  sacraments  while  still  under  the  ban  of  excommunica- 
tion. When  an  article  was  read  which  again  referred  to 
Hus's  appeal  to  Christ,  the  mere  mention  of  it  was  re- 
ceived with  cries  of  derision.  Evidently,  it  was  a  matter 
that  rankled  in  the  minds  of  his  opponents. 

The    next  series  of  articles,   numbering  seven,   was 


126  JOHN  HUS 

extracted  from  Hus's  treatise  against  Palec.  These 
accusations  were  very  similar  to  the  preceding  charges. 
Only  one  of  them  was  discussed  at  length.  This  article 
accused  Hus  of  having  stated  that  '^  if  the  pope,  a  bishop 
or  a  prelate  was  in  the  state  of  mortal  sin,  he  was  not 
pope,  bishop  or  prelate."  The  answer  of  Hus  was  cer- 
tainly imprudent  under  the  circumstances.  He  said 
*' Yes,  and  he  who  is  in  the  state  of  mortal  sin  cannot 
either  rightly  be  a  king  before  God,  as  is  shown  by  the 
Book  of  Kings,  chapter  IV,  verse  16,  where  God,  through 
Samuel,  said  to  Saul,  '  As  thou  hast  rejected  my  word, 
I  reject  thee  from  being  king.'  "  The  enemies  of  Hus 
artfully  brought  this  reply  to  the  attention  of  the  em- 
peror, who  was  in  the  hall  but  just  then  conversing  apart 
with  certain  nobles.  Discussion  of  the  point  was  pro- 
longed that  Sigismund  might  be  duly  impressed  with 
what  Hus  had  to  say  about  unworthy  rulers.  Hus  was 
not  cowed.  He  proved  himself  more  orthodox  than  his 
opponents.  And  he  turned  the  tide  of  argument  by  asking, 
*'  If  John  XXIII  was  truly  pope,  why  was  he  deposed  ?  '^ 

A  further  series  of  six  articles,  drawn  from  Hus's  work 
against  Stanislas,  was  read.  These  covered  virtually  the 
same  ground  as  the  former  accusations.  By  this  time, 
members  of  the  council,  who  knew  that  the  condemnation 
of  Hus  was  a  foregone  conclusion,  became  impatient. 
Tumult  again  broke  forth.  His  explanations,  however 
Biblical,  were  disregarded.  His  protests  against  false 
charges  met  with  scorn.  ' '  They  pressed  upon  me,  with 
threats  and  deceitful  words  to  induce  me  to  recant,"  he 
wrote  to  his  friends  in  Bohemia.  Yet  amid  all  the  cross- 
fire of  question  and  accusation,  Hus  maintained  his  calm- 
ness, his  presence  of  mind,  his  secret  repose  in  God  and 
confideuce  in  the  truth. 

At  leugth,  Cardinal  D'Ailly  announced  the  decision  of 
the  council.     It  was  threefold  :  first,  Hus  should  humbly 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  127 

declare  that  he  had  erred  in  all  the  articles  cited  against 
hiin  ;  secondly,  he  should  promise  on  oath  neither  to  hold 
nor  teach  them  in  the  future  ;  thirdly,  he  should  publicly 
recant  them.  The  cardinal  then  pointed  out  that  two 
ways  were  open  to  him.  He  must  submit  humbly  to  the 
council,  which,  in  consideration  of  Emperor  Sigismund 
and  his  brother,  King  Venceslas  of  Bohemia,  would  treat 
him  with  humanity  and  kindness.  (It  appears  to  have 
been  decided,  in  case  Hus  would  recant,  that  he  should, 
'Mn  punishment  of  the  scandal  he  had  caused,  be  im- 
prisoned for  life  in  a  Swedish  monastery,  in  a  cell  that 
was  to  be  walled  up,  leaving  only  a  small  opening  through 
which  food  and  drink  were  to  be  handed  the  prisoner." 
This  cruel  confinement  would  have  represented  the  tender 
mercies  of  the  council !)  Should  he,  however,  not  con- 
sent to  this  submission  and  still  wish  to  defend  some  of 
his  views,  a  hearing  would  not  be  refused  him,  but  he 
would  thus  act  at  his  greatest  peril.  Hus  quietly  replied 
that  he  did  not  wish  to  maintain  any  errors,  but  that  he 
could  not,  against  his  conscience  and  at  the  peril  of  his 
soul's  salvation,  say  that  he  had  held  erroneous  opinions 
which  he  never  did  hold.  He  only  begged  that  he  might 
be  allowed  to  express  his  views  regarding  the  accusations 
made  against  him.  As  this  answer  did  not  imply  un- 
conditional surrender,  it  was  received  with  indignation. 
Various  members  of  the  council  reasoned  with  him,  urg- 
ing that  he  follow  the  advice  of  the  council.  Sigismund, 
also,  strongly  admonished  him  to  recant  heretical  views, 
even  if  „he  had  never  held  them.  This,  of  course,  a 
straightforward  man,  like  Hus,  could  not  do.  He  was 
then  reconducted  to  prison.  No  provision  was  made  for 
any  further  hearing.  On  being  led  out,  John  of  Chlum 
warmly  pressed  the  reformer's  hand.  Hus  was  deeply 
touched  that  he  did  not  disdain  to  salute  him  when  he 
was  spurned  by  almost  all  as  a  heretic. 


128  JOHN  HUS 

At  the  end  of  the  sitting  Sigismund,  not  perceiving 
that  the  Bohemian  barons  were  still  present,  urged  that 
Has  should  be  burned  alive,  unless  he  recanted,  and  that 
in  any  event  he  should  not  be  allowed  to  return  to  Bo- 
hemia ;  that  wherever  bishops  found  others  holding  like 
views  they  should  punish  them,  so  that  they  might  be 
destroyed  root  and  branch ;  that  they  should  make  an 
end  of  his  secret  friends  and  followers,  especially  his 
disciple,  Jerome,  who  was  then  in  custody.  These 
words  of  Sigismund,  spoken  in  an  unguarded  moment, 
cost  him  years  of  warfare  and  the  Bohemian  crown. 

Sentence  Delayed.  Hus  realized  that  there  could  be 
but  one  issue.  He  expected  every  day  to  be  his  last. 
But  formal  sentence  was  delayed  a  month.  This  was 
done,  because  hope  was  entertained  by  the  council  and 
Sigismund  that  Hus  would,  in  the  end,  recant.  They 
were  anxious  to  obtain  a  professed  penitent,  whom  they 
could  then  send  away  reduced  to  powerlessness  by  his 
recantation.  Should  Hus  recant  in  any  form,  the  fa- 
thers of  the  council  would  enjoy  a  moral  triumph  and 
Sigismund  could  be  certain  that  Hus  would  lose  entirely 
his  prestige  with  the  Bohemian  people.  To  secure  a 
recantation,  therefore,  they  exhausted  the  resources  of 
artfulness  and  argument.  No  effort  was  spared  to  shake 
the  reformer's  determination.  He  was  visited  by  deputa- 
tion after  deputation,  anxious  to  overcome  what  they 
thought  the  scruples  of  an  overnice  conscience.  Learned 
doctors  plied  him  with  clever  argument  and  illustration. 
Great  fathers  of  the  council  went  out  of  their  way  to  offer 
him  convenient  "baskets,"  in  which,  as  Paul,  he  might 
be  'Met  down"  over  the  wall.  Some  entirely  friendly 
members  of  the  council  tried  to  show  him  that  responsi- 
bility would  be  with  the  council,  should  he  abandon  the 
opinions  which  he  formerly  held.     A  number  of  prelates 


TKIAL  AND  DEATH  129 

urged  him  officially  to  take  this  step.  His  answer  was  a 
written  declaration.  On  the  day  before  his  martyrdom, 
deputies  of  Sigismund  made  a  last  attempt.  But  to  all 
their  blandishments  Hus  stood  firm.  He  steadfastly  re- 
fused to  swerve  from  the  path  which  conscience  had  made 
clear.  **  I  write  this,"  says  he  in  a  letter  to  his  friends 
in^* Bohemia,  "in  prison  and  in  chains,  expecting  to- 
morrow to  receive  sentence  of  death,  full  of  hope  in  God 
that  I  shall  not  swerve  from  the  truth,  nor  abjure  errors 
imputed  to  me  by  false  witnesses." 

The  time  of  the  month's  reprieve,  not  beset  by  the 
importunities  of  those  who  pressed  him  to  recant,  Hus 
employed  to  prepare  himself  and  his  friends  for  the  final 
result  his  own  constancy  had  made  inevitable.  He  was 
never  idle.  Chains,  illness,  heaped  up  wrongs  and  in- 
justice, the  prospect  of  cruel  martyrdom  did  not  cripple 
his  energies  nor  check  the  wonderful  flow  of  his  teaching 
and  preaching  spirit.  In  these  last  weeks  of  his  life,  his 
letters  are  numerous  and  very  precious.  They  portray 
his  thoughts  and  feelings  in  that  time  of  trying  anticipa- 
tion. They  show  him  sometimes  depressed  but  never 
flinching,  loving  his  own  life  in  the  hope  of  future  useful- 
ness but  more  anxious  for  the  truth  he  had  preached  and 
the  cause  he  had  promoted.  Best  known  of  all  his  letters 
is  the  one  addressed  "  To  the  Whole  Bohemian  Nation.'' 

In  this  letter  he  pours  forth  all  the  ardour  of  his  affec- 
tions and  the  treasures  of  his  concern  for  the  welfare  of 
his  people.  His  exhortations  and  entreaties  are  given  in 
a  manner  that  unites  becoming  modesty  with  a  tone  of 
apostolic  fervour.  Other  letters  were  written  to  individ- 
uals, to  groups  of  friends,  to  his  fellow -labourers  at  the 
University  of  Prague.  On  one  of  them  Luther  comments. 
"  Hus  fights  another  battle  between  the  flesh  and  the 
spirit  over  the  confession  of  truth,  a  fight  worthy  of  the 
knowledge  of  pious  men."    Some  of  the  letters  are  note- 


130  JOHN  HUS 

worthy  because  of  the  boldness  with  which  Hus  asserts 
his  position,  without  a  note  of  doubt  or  hesitation.  He 
speaks  plainly  of  the  treatment  meted  out  to  him,  of  the 
inconsistency  of  his  enemies,  of  the  untrustworthiuess  of 
the  council.  But  he  does  so  without  wasting  time  or 
strength  in  bitter  reflections.  As  for  himself,  he  prepares 
for  death  with  the  fortitude  of  the  early  martyrs.  The 
ordeal  that  is  drawing  nearer  leads  him  to  Christ.  He 
does  not  rely  upon  himself  but  upon  divine  grace.  In 
one  of  his  letters — Luther  says  of  it,  *^  In  no  letter  does 
Hus  rise  to  serener  heights  of  resignation  and  conviction '' 
— Hus  includes  this  beautiful  prayer,  *'0  holy  Christ ! 
draw  us  after  Thee.  We  are  weak,  and  if  Thou  dost  not 
draw  us,  we  cannot  follow  Thee.  Give  us  a  strong  and 
willing  spirit,  and  when  the  weakness  of  the  flesh  ap- 
pears, let  Thy  grace  go  on  before  us,  accompany  aod  fol- 
low us.  For  without  Thee  we  can  do  nothing,  least  of 
all,  suffer  a  cruel  death  for  Thy  sake.  Grant  a  willing 
spirit,  a  fearless  heart,  true  faith,  steadfast  hope,  perfect 
love,  that  for  Thy  sake  we  may,  with  patience  and  joy, 
surrender  our  life.     Amen.'' 

Condemnation  of  Hus.  That  prayer  was  heard. 
This  is  shown  in  the  experiences  of  the  day  on  which  he 
sealed  his  testimony  with  his  blood.  It  was  Saturday, 
July  6th.  Early  in  the  morning  the  council  met  in  the 
cathedral,  to  give  greater  solemnity  to  the  proceedings. 
A  strong  guard  brought  Hus  to  the  portal.  As  soon  as 
he  had  left  the  prison,  the  couch  on  which  he  had  slept 
during  his  last  days  was  burnt  and  the  ashes  were  thrown 
into  the  Ehine.  It  was  feared  that  the  Bohemians  would 
endeavour  to  collect  relics  of  the  martyr — so  widely  had 
the  fame  of  his  sanctity  spread.  Arrived  at  the  cathedral, 
he  was  detained,  as  an  incorrigible  heretic,  at  the  en- 
trance, till  the  celebration  of  high  mass  was  concluded. 


Interior   of   Cathedral,   Constance 


Condeniiiation  ui    hus.      \_i>r()ziK. 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  131 

On  beiug  led  into  the  cathedral,  he  found  in  the  middle 
of  the  church  a  small  platform,  temporarily  erected.  On 
it  were  a  table  and  the  vestments  of  a  priest.  Has  was 
assigned  a  place  in  front  of  the  platform,  where  he  knelt 
in  silent  prayer  for  some  moments.  As  he  then  stood 
alone  before  the  council,  the  scene  was  appalling.  For 
some  weeks  he  had  been  tormented  by  disease.  The 
marks  of  suffering  were  on  his  brow.  His  face  was  pale. 
His  cheeks  were  sunken.  His  limbs  were  weak  and 
trembling.  But  his  eye  flashed  with  unbroken  spirit. 
His  words  rang  clear  and  true.  All  around  him  gleamed 
the  purple  and  gold  and  scarlet  robes.  Sigismund  sat  on 
a  throne  near  the  high  altar,  with  his  courtiers  around 
him  clad  in  splendid  armour  and  nodding  plumes.  Mem- 
bers of  the  council  were  present,  almost  without  excep- 
tion, robed  in  rich  vestments  and  wearing  jewelled 
mitres.  And  the  rest  of  the  vast  cathedral  was  filled  with 
spectators.  Before  this  assembly  an  ordeal  awaited  Hus, 
calculated  to  torment  his  mind  as  severely  as  the  fire 
would  torment  his  body. 

The  judicial  x^roceedings — if  they  may  be  termed  such 
— began  immediately.  The  Bishop  of  Lodi  preached  a 
sliort  sermon  on  the  text,  ^^That  the  body  of  sin  might  be 
destroyed."  This  was  to  be  accomplished  according  to 
the  bishop's  interpretation  by  extirpating  heresy.  An- 
other bishop  then  read  a  report  of  the  past  proceedings, 
including  the  articles  extracted  as  heretical  from  the 
writings  of  Hus.  As  the  several  articles  were  read,  Hus 
attempted  explanations,  comments  or  denials  as  the  case 
seemed  to  require.  He  was  ordered  to  be  silent.  When 
he  begged  to  be  allowed  to  speak,  his  request  was  refused 
and  the  ushers  of  the  council  were  ordered  to  compel  him 
to  be  silent.  He  was,  indeed,  on  this  day  granted  hardly 
any  hearing  and  treated  with  greater  brutality  than  when 
he  previously  appeared  before  the  council.     We  need  not 


132  JOHN  HUS 

wonder  that  his  soul  flamed  out  with  indignation  when 
we  remember  that  one  of  the  articles  read  out  against  him  • 
stated  that  he  had  claimed  to  be  a  fourth  member  in  the 
Godhead.  Hus  demanded  to  know  the  name  of  the  wit- 
ness. It  was  flatly  refused.  Hus  then  said,  ^'Beitfar 
from  me,  that  I  should  call  myself  the  fourth  person  of 
the  divinity  ;  such  a  thought  could  find  no  place  in  my 
mind."  The  reading  continued,  but  so  flagrantly  un- 
true were  some  of  the  accusations  that  Hus  made  another 
effort  to  be  heard.  He  did  succeed  in  interjecting  some 
comments.  Moreover,  he  added,  referring  to  the  treat- 
ment he  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  council,  ''I 
came  here  freely  to  this  council,  with  a  safe-conduct  from 
my  Lord  the  King  here  present,  with  the  desire  to  prove 
my  innocence  and  explain  my  beliefs."  At  these  words 
a  deep  blush  overspread  the  royal  countenance.  The  in- 
cident was  remembered.  A  century  later,  at  the  Diet  of 
Worms,  the  enemies  of  Luther  counselled  Charles  V  to 
violate  the  safe-conduct  granted  the  German  reformer, 
citing  the  crime  of  Constance  as  a  precedents  To  the 
credit  of  Emperor  Charles  was  his  reply,  ^'  If  honour  were 
banished  from  every  other  home,  it  ought  to  find  a  refuge 
in  the  heart  of  kings." 

After  all  the  articles  of  accusation  had  been  read  and 
the  statements  of  witnesses  communicated,  the  council 
was  minded  to  terminate  the  trial  of  Hus  without  delay. 
He  was  not  allowed  to  reply.  An  aged  bishop,  of  vener- 
able aspect,  mounted  the  pulpit  and  published  the  formal 
sentence.  The  writings  of  Hus,  both  in  the  Latin  and 
Bohemian  tongues,  were  to  be  committed  to  the  flames. 
Hus  himself  was  declared  to  be  a  true  and  manifest  heretic, 
who  was  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  secular  authorities 
for  punishment.  He  knelt  and  prayed  with  a  loud  voice, 
"  Lord  Jesus,  forgive  mine  enemies  !  Thouknowest  that 
they  have  borne  false  witness  against  me.     Forgive  them 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  133 

for  Thy  mercy's  sake  ! ''     At  this  prayer,  many  bishops 
frowned  and  a  mocking  laugh  burst  from  their  lips. 

The  ceremonies  of  degradation  and  deconsecration  were 
then  performed  with  all  the  childish  formalities  usual  on 
such  occasions.  Hus  was  commanded  to  ascend  the  plat- 
form and  array  himself  in  the  priestly  vestments  hanging 
there.  Chalice  and  paten  were  placed  in  his  hands. 
When  fully  robed  he  was  exhorted  to  recant.  Facing 
the  vast  assembly,  he  said  with  deep  emotion,  ''  Behold, 
these  bishops  demand  of  me  that  I  shall  recant  and  ab- 
jure. I  fear  to  do  this.  For,  if  I  complied,  I  would  be 
false  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  sin  against  my  own  con- 
science and  divine  truth  ;  seeing  that  I  have  never  taught 
what  has  been  falsely  charged  against  me,  and  that  I 
have  written  and  preached  the  contrary.  There  is  an- 
other reason  why  I  cannot  recant.  I  would  thereby  not 
only  offend  the  many  souls  to  whom  I  have  proclaimed 
the  Gospel,  but  others  also  who  are  preaching  it  in  all 
faithfulness."  Thereat  the  bishops  exclaimed  at  his 
wickedness  and  obstinacy.  Then  chalice  and  paten  were 
snatched  from  his  hand  and  the  vestments  were  torn 
from  his  person,  piece  by  piece,  each  with  the  outcry 
of  some  fearful  malediction.  Hus  replied  with  words  of 
faith  and  hope.  A  dispute  arose  over  his  tonsure. 
Some  were  for  cutting  it  with  shears,  others  clamoured 
for  a  razor.  ^'  See,"  said  Hus  to  the  king,  "  these  bishops 
cannot  agree  in  their  blasphemy."  The  shears  won  in 
the  unseemly  wrangle  ;  and  the  tonsure  was  cut  in  four 
directions.  A  paper  cap,  a  yard  high,  was  placed  on  his 
head.  It  was  pictured  with  devils  struggling  for  his  soul 
and  it  bore  the  words,  ^'  Hie  est  heresiarcha."  (This  is 
the  Arch-heretic.)  As  these  ceremonies  ended,  the  bish- 
ops said,  "We  commit  thy  soul  to  the  devil!"  To 
this  Hus  replied,  "  And  I  commit  it  to  my  most  gracious 
Lord  Jesus  Christ." 


134  JOHN  HUS 

Martyrdom.  The  emperor  requested  the  Count  Pala- 
tine to  turn  Hus  over  to  the  magistrates  of  the  city  to  be 
burned  alive  forthwith.  A  large,  armed  force  led  him 
out,  and  a  great  throng  of  citizens  and  visitors  in  the  city 
joined  the  mournful  procession.  From  the  cathedral 
Hus  was  taken  through  the  churchyard,  that  he  might 
witness  the  burning  of  his  writings.  The  spectacle  but 
provoked  him  to  smile.  He  knew  that,  however  many 
copies  might  be  destroyed  at  Constance,  there  were  far 
more  at  Prague  and  throughout  Bohemia.  Then  he  went 
forth  to  die.  Soon  the  procession  reached  the  fatal  spot. ; 
It  was  a  quiet  meadow,  known  as  The  Briihl,  among  the 
gardens  outside  the  city  gates.  When  he  came  near  the 
stake,  he  knelt  and  prayed  the  thirty -first  and  fifty-first 
Psalms  with  great  fervency,  so  that  the  people  were 
deeply  moved.  While  he  was  thus  engaged  the  papar  cap 
fell  from  his  head.  One  of  the  bailiffs  replaced  it  with  a 
brutal  jest.  Ordered  to  rise,  he  did  so,  saying,  *'Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  this  cruel  and  terrible  punishment  I  will 
cheerfully  and  humbly  bear  for  the  sake  of  Thy  holy 
Gospel  and  of  the  preaching  of  Thy  blessed  Word  !  "  He 
was  then  bound  to  the  stake  with  moistened  thongs  and  a 
heavy  chain.  Some  bystanders  remarked  that  his  face 
was  turned  towards  the  east — an  unseemly  thing  in  the 
case  of  a  heretic.  Accordingly,  he  was  turned  to  face 
the  west.  Faggots  of  wood  and  straw  were  piled  around 
him  up  to  the  chin.  Everything  was  ready  for  the  torch. 
For  the  last  time  the  imperial  marshal,  Pappenheim,  ac- 
companied by  the  Elector,  approached  to  give  him  a 
chance  to  recant. 

Loud  and  clear  rose  the  unconquerable  voice  of  the 
martyr,  as  he  gave  his  last  faithful  testimony  to  the  truth 
of  what  he  had  taught.  ^*  What*shall  I  recant,  not  being 
conscious  of  any  errors  ?  I  call  God  to  witness  that  I 
have  neither  taught  nor  preached  what  has  falsely  been 


Procession  to  the  Briihl 


Memorial  Stone 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  135 

laid  to  my  charge,  but  that  the  end  of  all  my  preaching 
and  writings  was  to  induce  my  fellow  men  to  forsake  sin. 
In  the  truth  which  I  have  proclaimed,  according  to  the 
Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  and  the  expositions  of  holy 
teachers,  I  will,  this  day,  joyfully  die."  At  these  words 
the  nobles  clapped  their  hands.  It  was  the  signal  for  the 
execution.  The  torch  was  applied.  The  agony  was 
short.  As  the  flames  arose,  Hus  began  to  chant  the 
Catholic  burial  prayer,  ''  Christ,  Thou  Son  of  God,  have 
mercy  upon  us."  At  the  third  line  of  the  chant  a  gust  of 
wind  dashed  the  smoke  and  sparks  into  his  face.  His 
lips  moved  faintly  in  silent  prayer,  but  the  last  words 
had  been  spoken.  When  the  cruel  flames  died  down,  the 
executioners  tore  the  ghastly  corpse  from  the  stake, 
hacked  the  skull  in  pieces  and  ground  the  bones  to  powder. 
These  with  every  shred  of  clothing  and  the  stake  were 
reduced  to  ashes,  and  the  ashes  were  cast  into  the  Ehine. 
There  remained  not  the  smallest  memento  of  the  Bo- 
hemian reformer.  But  his  countrymen  dug  out  some  of 
the  earth  at  the  place  where  the  stake  had  stood  and  car- 
ried it  as  a  sacred  relic  to  their  native  land.  A  huge 
bowlder  marks  the  spot.  On  it  are  graven  the  names  of 
Hus  and  Jerome — who  suffered  martyrdom  at  the  same 
place  nearly  a  year  later.  Ivy  and  flowering  creepers 
twine  about  the  stone. 

Character  of  Hus.  Thus  perished  John  Hus,  in  the 
prime  of  manhood,  in  the  midst  of  his  work,  a  noble  man 
and  a  valiant  confessor.  He  had  died,  says  a  Catholic 
writer,  for  the  noblest  of  causes.  He  had  died  for  the 
faith  which  he  believed  to  be  true.  Another  Catholic 
writer  of  that  time,  who  afterwards  became  pope,  testi- 
fies of  Hus,  ''No  philosopher  ever  suffered  death  with 
such  constancy."  Not  many  words  are  needed  for  an 
estimate  of  the  character  and  work  of  this  pale,  spare 


136  JOHN  HUS 

man,  who  completed  the  forty-sixth  year  of  a  busy  life  at 
the  stake.  The  leading  features  appear  from  the  narra- 
tive. His  character  and  ability,  finely  balanced  in  the 
several  elements  and  faculties,  shine  out  beautifully  in 
the  fierce  light  of  publicity  and  hostility  that  beat  upon 
his  life.  ]^ot  his  worst  enemy  has  ever  uttered  a  word  of 
reproach  against  the  purity  of  his  character.  As  to  his 
work — his  theological  writings  ;  his  powerful  discourses 
glowing  with  love  for  souls,  clearly  and  skillfully  pene- 
trating the  merits  of  every  question  and  unfolding  it 
with  ease  to  the  mind  of  the  hearer  ;  his  efforts  to  improve 
public  worship  ;  his  great  learning,  especially,  his  famili- 
arity with  Scripture  truth  and,  finally,  his  triumphant 
death  assure  him  his  place  in  history.  His  is  the  honour 
of  having  been  one  of  the  chief  torch-bearers  to  kindle 
the  Eeformation  and  of  having  been  one  of  the  bravest  of 
the  martyrs  who  have  died  in  the  cause  of  honesty  and  of 
freedom,  of  progress  and  growth  towards  the  light.  His 
epitaph  might  well  have  been  the  words  of  Erasmus, 
**  Joannes  Hus,  exustus  non  convictus'^ — John  Hus, 
burned  but  not  convicted.  Luther  writes  of  him,  *'If 
this  man  was  not  a  noble,  strong  and  dauntless  martyr 
and  confessor  of  Christ,  then  will  it,  indeed,  be  hard  for 
any  man  to  obtain  salvation. ^^  Lechler,  a  German  au- 
thority on  the  life  of  Hus,  says,  ^'  Im  Erliegen  siegen, 
das  war  sein  Los ' ' — In  defeat  to  conquer  was  his  lot. 


Yni 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  HUS 

DISTURBANCE  in  Bohemia.  The  execution- 
er's torch  kindled  a  conflagration  in  Bohemia 
that  raged  for  years  with  consuming  fury.  When 
the  news  that  Hus  had  been  executed  reached  Bohemia 
the  excitement  was  intense.  Grief,  indignation  and  re- 
sentment fired  the  populace.  All  classes  were  profoundly 
moved.  In  every  Bohemian  town  and  hamlet  the  people 
felt  that  their  greatest  man  had  been  unjustly  murdered. 
The  burning  of  Hus  made  him  the  apostle  and  martyr  of 
his  nation.  Many  who  had  been  undecided  in  their 
views,  or  timid  in  confessiDg  them,  openly  joined  his 
followers.  Bohemians  had  been  reluctant  to  separate 
themselves  from  the  Eoman  Church.  Events  that  fol- 
lowed the  death  of  Master  John  Hus  made  that  result 
inevitable.  It  was  foreshadowed  by  disturbances  that 
immediately  took  place.  Tumults  broke  out  in  Prague. 
Many  priests  who  refused  to  administer  communion  in 
both  kinds  were  driven  from  the  city,  their  houses  were 
plundered,  while  Hussite  priests  took  their  places.  The 
estates  of  wealthier  prelates  did  not  escape.  The  arch- 
bishop was  besieged  in  his  palace  and  obliged  to  flee  in 
dismay. 

National  Movement  in  Bohemia.  The  Council  of 
Constance  endeavoured  to  restore  order.  It  issued  letters, 
justifying  the  execution  of  Hus,  warning  against  his  doc- 
trines and  threatening  severe  discipline.  All  this  corre- 
spondence had  little  effect  on  the  course  of  events.     If 

137 


138  JOHN  HUS 

aDy thing,  it  increased  the  commotion.  The  national 
movement  began  to  assume  a  revolutionary  character. 
Among  its  leaders  were  some  of  the  nobles  and  knights 
of  the  king's  court.  The  nobility  of  the  entire  country 
met  without  delay,  September  2,  1415,  to  deliberate  on 
the  perilous  situation  of  the  land.  They  were  joined  by  a 
large  number  of  Moravian  nobles.  They  sent  a  solemn 
protest  to  the  Council  of  Constance.  It  was  freighted 
with  the  burden  of  reproach  and  defiance  that  the  nation 
felt  towards  the  council.  It  affirmed  the  innocence  and 
the  orthodoxy  of  Hus  and  declared  that  he  had  been  un- 
justly put  to  death.  It  characterizes  him  thus,  *' Living 
piously  and  gently  in  Christ,  he  both  by  word  and  deed 
strove  most  diligently  to  conform  to  the  evangelical  law 
and  the  teachings  of  the  holy  fathers,  for  the  edification 
of  the  holy  mother,  the  Church,  and  for  the  salvation  of 
his  fellow  men."  That  was  the  opinion  which  the  more 
enlightened  and  more  pious  of  his  countrymen  formed  of 
Hus's  life  and  teaching  immediately  after  his  death. 
This  document  bore  the  signatures  and  seals  of  more  than 
four  hundred  and  fifty  lords  and  knights. 

The  Bohemian  patriots  were  too  shrewd  not  to  see  that 
their  bold  attitude  was  fraught  with  grave  danger.  Three 
days  after  sending  the  letter  to  Constance,  they  formed 
the  Hussite  League.  They  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn 
covenant  to  unite  in  the  defense  of  freedom  of  thought. 
They  pledged  themselves  to  allow  free  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  on  their  estates,  to  accept  no  orders  from  the 
Council  of  Constance,  to  obey,  in  future,  the  pope  and  the 
bishops  of  Bohemia  only  in  so  far  as  their  commands  were 
in  harmony  with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  to  resist  all  unjust 
bans  of  excommunication,  to  arrange  for  defense  of  the 
country,  to  regard  the  University  of  Prague  as  authority 
in  matters  of  doctrine.  Soon  afterwards  the  lords  favour- 
able to  the  cause  of  Eome  formed  a  Catholic  League. 


INFLUENCE  139 

They  were  Dot  numerous,  but  some  of  them  were  power- 
ful. They  pledged  themselves  to  continue  obedience  to 
the  Eoman  Church  and  its  council.  Encouraged  by  the 
speedy  organization  of  this  league,  the  fathers  of  the 
council  persevered  in  their  denunciations  of  the  Bohemi- 
ans and  cited  them  to  appear  before  the  council  on  the 
charge  of  heresy.  But  their  decrees  were  ineffective. 
The  Hussites  were  not  overawed.  Little  recked  they  all 
this  parade  of  authority  in  the  distant  city  of  Constance. 
Three  years  passed  without  effecting  any  change.  Bo- 
hemia and  Moravia  were  still  fired  with  excitement, 
which  was  ready  at  any  moment  to  burst  Id  to  flame. 
Feeling  continued  so  long  at  high  tension,  because  the 
people  waited  in  vain  that  something  might  be  accom- 
plished at  Constance  in  the  direction  of  church  reform. 
Work  of  that  nature  was  postponed  to  the  next  council. 
Melancholy  end  of  the  splendid  assembly  that  had,  for 
nearly  four  years,  deliberated  on  ways  and  means  to 
purify  the  Church. 

The  university  accepted  the  important  functions  con- 
ferred on  it  by  the  nobles.  It  proclaimed  Hus  a  martyr 
of  the  true  faith  and  ordained  that  July  6th  should  be 
observed  annually  as  a  memorial  day  in  his  honour. 
The  theologians  of  the  university  formulated  and  issued 
the  celebrated  Four  Articles  of  Prague,  which  set  forth 
the  Hussite  doctrines  and  principles.  These  articles  were 
the  following : 

I.  The  Word  of  God  is  to  be  preached,  in  a  proper 
way,  by  the  priests  of  the  Lord,  without  let  or  hindrance, 
throughout  the  Kingdom  of  Bohemia. 

II.  The  sacrament  of  the  Holy  Eucharist  is  to  be  ad- 
ministered, under  each  kind,  of  bread  and  wine,  accord- 
ing to  the  institution  of  the  Saviour,  to  all  believers  not 
disqualified  to  receive  it  by  reason  of  mortal  sin. 

III.  The  secular  dominion  exercised  by  the  clergy 


UO  JOHN  HUS 

over  worldly  goods  and  possessions,  to  the  prejudice  of 
their  spiritual  office  and  the  damage  of  civil  authority, 
Is  to  be  taken  away  from  them,  and  the  clergy  are  to  be 
brought  back  to  the  evangelical  rule  and  apostolic  prac- 
tice of  Christ  and  His  disciples. 

IV.  All  mortal  sins,  especially  such  as  are  public,  as 
also  all  other  irregularities  contrary  to  the  divine  law,  in 
whatever  estate  they  may  appear,  are  to  be  punished  by 
those  to  whom  it  pertains. 

Hussite  Preachers.  While  matters  were  unsettled 
in  Bohemia  and  none  could  foresee  what  shape  events 
might  take,  a  peculiar  feature  of  the  Hussite  movement 
developed.  Itinerant  evangelists  appeared,  preaching  in 
private  houses  or  in  the  open  fields.  They  did  an  im- 
portant work.  For  they  preserved  and  spread  among 
the  people  the  doctrines  of  Hus.  In  their  way,  however, 
as  will  presently  appear,  they  also  added  to  the  confusion 
of  the  times.  Throngs  crowded  to  hear  them.  Often 
whole  congregations  would  undertake  pilgrimages  to 
distant  churches  or  to  open  fields,  where  they  might  hear 
these  men  and  receive  communion  in  both  kinds.  A 
favourite  gathering  place  was  a  certain  hill,  near  Austi, 
which  received  the  name  Tabor.  In  the  summer  of  1419, 
an  extraordinary  meeting  was  held  here.  Solemn  pro- 
cessions, carrying  banners  and  the  emblems  of  the  Holy 
Sacrament,  came  from  all  parts  of  Bohemia  and  Moravia. 
A  multitude  of  not  less  than  forty-two  thousand  people 
was  assembled.  They  extended  to  each  other  jubilant 
welcome.  They  had  come  to  worship  the  Lord  under 
the  open  canopy  of  heaven.  They  divided  into  numer- 
ous congregations  of  which  priests  took  charge.  Some 
preached,  others  heard  confessions,  others  administered 
the  Lord's  Supper.  At  noon  the  entire  assembly  partook 
of  a  simple  meal.     The  afternoon  was  devoted  to  religious 


INFLUENCE  141 

conversation  and  social  fellowship.  No  levity  was  per- 
mitted ;  the  best  of  order  prevailed.  It  was  a  primitive 
camp- meeting  on  a  grand  scale.  Towards  evening  the 
pilgrims  parted  with  mutual  pledges  to  uphold  the  holy 
cause  of  the  Cup  and  of  free  preaching.  Similar  meetings 
were  subsequently  held  at  the  same  place. 

Hussites  Divided.  The  Hussite  preachers  prosecuted 
their  labours  with  ever  increasing  popularity.  One  after 
another  of  the  Catholic  clergy  made  common  cause  with 
them.  Many  churches  were  thrown  open  for  the  use  of 
the  Hussites  and  for  the  administration  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  according  to  the  Scriptural  form.  But,  unfortu- 
nately, discord  soon  broke  out  among  them.  Not  much 
more  than  a  year  after  the  martyrdom  of  Hus,  we  behold 
the  beginning  of  those  differences  of  opinion  among  his 
followers  which  proved  disastrous  for  the  country  and 
the  cause  of  reform.  Men  can  be  more  easily  united  in 
following  a  great  leader  than  they  can  be  by  adherence 
to  a  common  cause.  Where  many  will  steadfastly  follow 
a  leader,  few  will  steadily  follow  a  principle.  So  long 
as  Hus  was  alive  he  was  the  rallying  point  for  various 
elements  among  the  Bohemians  that  favoured  church 
reform.  Now  that  his  tongue  was  silent,  his  followers 
split  into  many  contending  factions.  To  some  he  was 
merely  the  fiery  patriot,  to  others  the  enemy  of  the  pope, 
to  others  the  high-souled,  moral  teacher,  to  others  the 
champion  of  reform.  Had  the  people  been  united  they 
might  have  gained  their  longed-for  freedom  and  accom- 
plished enduring  church  reform.  But  unity  they  lacked. 
No  great  leader  rose  after  Hus  to  unite  them  on  a  definite 
scheme  of  church  reform.  And  thus  instead  of  present- 
ing an  unbroken  front  to  the  common  foe,  they  were 
divided  into  sects  and  parties  and  made  confusion  worse 
confounded. 


142  JOHN  HUS 

There  were  two  principal  parties,  the  Calixtines  or 
Utraquists  and  the  Taborites.  (The  two  names  of  the 
one  party  had  virtually  the  same  significance.  The  name 
Calixtine  was  derived  from  Calix,  the'  cup  in  the  Lord's 
Supper,  which  cup  became  the  symbol  of  all  the  Hussites,  •▲ 
and  the  name  XJtraquist  from  the  words  sub  uiraque^ 
that  is  the  communion  under  both  kinds.  The  Taborite 
party  took  its  name  from  a  fortified  town,  Tabor, 
which  was  founded  by  them  and  became  their  formidable 
centre.) 

The  Utraquists  were  the  conservative  and  aristocratic 
party.  They  received  their  tendency  from  the  University 
of  Prague.  Their  aims  were  largely  political.  They  con- 
tinued to  hold  to  the  Eomish  doctrines  and  usages,  except 
in  so  far  as  these  were  at  variance  with  the  Four  Articles 
of  Prague.  They  hoped  for  an  eventual  reconciliation 
with  the  Eoman  Church,  after  it  should  have  been  re- 
formed and  purified. 

The  Taborites  were  the  progressive,  radical  party. 
Politically,  they  leaned  to  a  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment, with  an  abolition  of  all  differences  of  rank.  Theo- 
logically, their  position  was  far  in  advance  of  the  Four 
Articles  of  Prague.  They  accepted  the  Bible  as  the  only 
source  of  faith  and  rule  of  practice.  They  acknowledged 
Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  as  the  only  sacraments. 
They  rejected  purgatory,  masses  for  the  dead,  worship  of 
saints.  They  denounced  images,  relics,  incense  and  fast- 
ing. Their  principles  were  sound  enough,  but  their 
system  was  marred  by  extreme  views  and  fanaticism. 
They  despised  learning  and  art,  they  were  loose  in  church 
discipline.  For  a  time  they  had  socialist  ideas  of  prop- 
erty and  revelled  in  pulling  down  churches. 

Among  various  minor  parties  were  the  Chiliasts,  who 
believed  that  the  end  of  all  things  was  at  hand  and  that 
the  millennial   reign  of  Christ  would  soon  begin,   the 


INFLUENCE  143 

Adamites  who  attempted  a  return  to  conditions  as  they 
were  in  the  Garden  of  Eden,  and  the  Orphans,  of  some- 
what later  date,  who  occupied  a  position  between  the 
Utraquists  and  the  Taborites. 

Renewed  Disturbance.  These  parties  regarded  each 
other  With  distrust.  Together  or  individually,  they  had 
antagonized  the  Eoman  Catholic  part  of  the  population. 
Some  Hussites  had,  in  consequence,  been  imprisoned  by 
the  City  Council  of  Prague.  The  government  of  King 
Venceslas,  always  weak  and  vacillating,  was  now  more 
than  ever  inefiicient.  Disturbed  and  uncertain,  indeed, 
were  conditions  in  Bohemia.  With  no  prospect  of  their 
improvement,  they  were  hopelessly  confused  through  an 
occurrence  at  Prague,  of  most  alarming  character  and  of 
momentous  consequences.  On  a  Sunday,  in  July,  1419, 
a  monk,  John  of  Selau,  an  enthusiastic  Hussite  and  a 
man  of  great  eloquence,  had  spoken  strongly,  in  the 
church  Maria-Schnee,  of  the  oppression  of  the  faithful. 
His  hearers  were  greatly  stirred.  They  proceeded  to  the 
town  hall,  led  by  Sel^u.  On  the  way  they  attempted  to 
enter  the  church  of  St.  Stephen,  one  of  those  that  had 
been  closed  against  the  Hussites.  A  struggle  ensued,  in 
which  men  were  wounded  on  both  sides.  Matters  be- 
came more  serious  when  they  reached  the  town  hall. 
They  demanded  the  release  of  their  imprisoned  brethren. 
For  answer,  stones  were  thrown  by  the  councillors.  One 
of  the  missiles  struck  the  priest,  Selau,  who  was  carry- 
ing the  sacrament  in  a  monstrance.  This  infuriated  his 
Hussite  followers,  for  they  considered  it  an  act  of  sacri- 
lege. A  fearful  tumult  ensued.  With  John  Zizka,  for- 
merly a  courtier  of  King  Yenceslas,  as  a  leader,  the 
Hussites  stormed  the  hall.  The  councillors  were  seized 
and  thrown  from  the  windows.  Those  who  escaped  the 
fall  were  cut  down  without  mercy.    Amid  peals  of  alarm, 


144  JOHN  HUS 

the  riot  spread  to  a  considerable  part  of  the  city.  When 
King  Venceslas  was  informed  of  what  had  happened,  he 
gave  way  to  so  terrible  a  burst  of  anger  that  he  was 
seized  with  an  apoplectic  fit.  A  few  days  later  he  suf- 
fered a  second  attack,  which  ended  his  life. 

The  Crisis.  In  consequence  of  the  death  of  the  king, 
Bohemia  was  left  in  complete  uncertainty.  A  crisis  of 
extraordinary  complications  had  been  brought  on.  For 
twenty  years  the  land  became  a  boiling  welter  of  disorder 
and  strife.  Sigismund,  brother  of  King  Venceslas,  was 
heir  to  the  throne  of  Bohemia.  Naturally,  most  of  the 
Hussites  did  not  look  upon  him  with  favour.  Some  of 
the  Utraquists  were  inclined  to  recognize  him  as  sov- 
ereign, provided  he  would  countenance  their  views,  as 
set  forth  in  the  Four  Articles  of  Prague.  But  he  gave 
them  evasive  answer.  The  great  mass  of  Bohemian 
people  thoroughly  distrusted  Sigismund.  They  held  him 
responsible  for  the  martyrdom  of  the  loved  and  revered 
Master  John  Hus.  He  did  not  come  at  once  to  claim  his 
crown.  Urgent  affairs  detained  him  in  Hungary.  Queen 
Sophia,  widow  of  King  Venceslas,  was  appointed  regent. 
By  the  time  Sigismund  was  ready  to  come  to  Bohemia, 
Hussite  sentiment  had  become  more  united  against  him. 
Eecognizing  this,  he  wished  to  appear  with  so  large  an 
army  that  the  country  would  be  at  his  mercy,  and  that 
he  would  be  obliged  to  make  no  concessions  to  any 
party.  To  that  end  he  persuaded  the  newly  elected 
Pope  Martin  V  to  inaugurate  a  crusade  against  the  Hus- 
sites. A  papal  bull,  proclaiming  the  crusade,  was  an- 
nounced in  March,  1417.  Thus  all  Christendom  was 
summoned  by  force  of  arms  to  crush  the  evangelical 
movement  in  Bohemia.  But  Bohemia  was  developing  a 
power  of  resistance  against  united  foes  that  exceeded 
their  utmost  preparations  and  calculations. 


INFLUENCE     .  145 

Hussite  Wars.  In  the  face  of  so  great  danger,  the 
Hussites  were  able  to  unite  on  the  program  of  the  Four 
Articles  of  Prague.  They  could  the  more  readily  do 
this,  as  they  all  acknowledged  the  teachings  of  Hus,  and 
these  were  still  fresh  in  the  memory  of  all.  And  they 
were  all  striving  for  the  reformation  of  the  Church,  how- 
ever much  they  differed  as  to  method  and  character  of 
the  process.  They  found  a  remarkable  leader  in  John 
Zizka.  A  greater  general,  a  mightier  man  of  valour,  a 
more  invincible  leader  never  drew  sword.  He  formed 
the  rough  Bohemian  peasantry  into  a  disciplined  army. 
He  originated  novel  tactics.  He  never  lost  a  battle.  He 
armed  his  men  with  lances,  slings,  iron-pointed  flails  and 
clubs  and  trained  them  to  beat  down  the  mail-clad 
knights  of  Europe.  His  iron-clad  wagons  he  formed 
into  barricades  or  sent  them  circling  in  murderous  mazes 
round  the  field  of  battle.  He  had  his  men  sing  a  stirring 
battle  hymn  as  they  marched  to  meet  the  foe,  **  Ye,  who 
the  Lord  God's  warriors  are.''  He  has  been  happily 
likened  to  Oliver  Cromwell.  With  his  forces,  Zizka 
held  the  proud  European  armies  at  bay.  One  crusading 
army  after  another  was  ignobly  defeated.  After  Zizka 
had  succumbed  to  the  Plague,  in  1424,  the  Hussites,  un- 
der their  new  leader,  Prokop,  began  offensive  campaigns 
and  invaded  Austria,  Silesia,  Bavaria,  Hungary,  Saxony, 
filling  these  countries  with  the  terror  of  their  name.  All 
Europe  stood  aghast.  Sigisniund  had  to  confess  that 
Bohemians  could  be  conquered  by  Bohemians  only.  At 
the  Council  of  Basel,  in  1433,  the  Utraquists  and  Tabor- 
ites  were  adroitly  turned  against  each  other.  After 
prolonged  negotiations,  the  Utraquists  accepted  the 
Compactata  of  Basel,  which  practically  conceded  the 
principles  of  the  Four  Articles  of  Prague.  The  Tabor- 
ites  were  dissatisfied.  But  their  power  was  waning. 
Instigated    by  the  Utraquists,   the   Bohemian  nobility 


146  JOHN  HUS 

formed  a  powerful  league  to  restore  peace  in  the  land. 
By  this  league  the  Taborites  were  overthrown  in  1434. 

Thus  ended  the  Hussite  Wars.  They  had  not  been 
fought  in  vain.  By  holding  at  bay  the  crusading  armies, 
they  saved  the  Hussite  cause  from  being  crushed  in  its 
birth.  Learned  historians  count  the  Hussite  Wars  among 
the  few  conflicts  of  the  world  that  have  been  waged  **  not 
for  material  interests  but  for  ideas."  They  were  foUj^^ht 
for  faith  and  freedom,  the  faith  of  Hus  and  the  freedom 
of  Bohemia.  This  judgment  of  them  holds,  even  though 
the  several  parties  to  these  wars  had  but  imperfect  or 
limited  conceptions  of  the  teachings  of  Hus.  The  issue 
of  the  Hussite  Wars,  it  is  true,  put  Bohemia  and  Moravia 
into  the  hands  of  the  Utraquists,  and  the  Utraquist  body, 
constituted  the  National  Church  of  Bohemia,  semi-Eomish 
in  character,  after  maintaining  its  independence  for  two 
centuries,  was  absorbed  by  the  Eoman  Catholic  Church. 
But  the  Hussite  Wars,  also,  sheltered  quiet,  thoughtful 
men,  in  whom  a  truer  and  more  spiritual  conception  of 
the  doctrines  of  Hus  worked  like  a  silent  leaven  amid  the 
clamours  of  war.  The  martyr-blood  of  Hus  had  not  been 
shed  in  vain.  In  a  better  sense  than  that  which  Utra- 
quism  afforded,  it  was  to  be  the  seed  of  the  Church. 

The  Unitas  Fratrum.  Amid  the  confusion  and  vio- 
lence of  the  times,  there  were  devout  men  of  God,  who 
did  not  take  up  arms,  nor  meddle  in  political  commotion, 
nor  give  way  to  fanaticism.  They  fostered  apostolic 
teaching,  discipline  and  fellowship,  true  to  the  principles 
and  practice  of  the  Bohemian  reformer,  as  set  forth  in 
his  preaching  and  in  his  writings.  They  were  the  genuine 
followers  of  Hus  and  furnished  the  seed  of  the  Unitas 
Fratrum.  Dissatisfied  with  the  semi-Eomish  National 
Church,  of  which  they  were  members,  they  longed  to 
promote  the  work  of  reform  for  which  Hus  had  lived 


INFLUENCE  14T 

and  laboured.  They  were  encouraged  by  Peter  Chelcic, 
an  earnest  layman  and  forcible  writer.  He  protested, 
with  all  the  vigour  of  a  Puritan,  against  the  corruption 
and  violence  of  the  times,  investigated  the  great  ques- 
tions of  the  age  with  independent  mind,  acknowledged 
no  authority  but  the  Scriptures.  His  system  subordi- 
nated the  doctrinal  to  the  practical.  This  man  ex- 
ercised formative  influence  on  their  aspirations.  His 
counsel  led  them  to  retire  from  Prague  to  the  estate  of 
Lititz,  a  hundred  miles  to  the  east,  and  begin  an  im- 
mediate reformation.  This  they  did  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Gregory,  called  the  Patriarch,  a  nephew  of  Eock- 
yzana,  who  was  at  that  time  the  head  of  the  TJtraquist 
Church. 

On  the  estate  of  Lititz,  in  the  midst  of  the  dense  forests 
and  under  the  shadow  of  the  Giant  Mountains,  these  peo- 
ple founded  their  settlement  in  1457.  Among  them  were 
nobles  and  common  people,  priests  and  masters  and 
bachelors  of  arts.  Primarily,  the  idea  was  to  form  a 
Christian  Association  rather  than  a  new  denomination. 
Hence  the  name,  Brethren,  and,  subsequently,  the  Unity 
of  the  Brethren  (Unitas  Fratrum)  was  adopted.  Seclu- 
sion did  not  result  in  the  cloistering  of  their  interests. 
They  were  continually  joined  by  like-minded  persons. 
This,  together  with  their  lofty  aim  and  the  compulsive 
force  of  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  corrupt  National 
Church,  prompted  them  to  place  their  organization  on  a 
more  solid  basis,  both  in  doctrine  and  in  practice.  They 
were  staunch  people  and  true.  As  their  organization 
gathered  strength,  they  recognized  that  they  had  some- 
thing worth  the  keeping  and  that  they  sustained  weighty 
obligations  over  against  their  day  and  generation. 
Hence,  they  considered  the  propriety  of  separating  en- 
tirely from  the  National  Church  and  instituting  an 
independent  ministry.     The  latter  they  secured  by  epis- 


14S  JOHN  HUS 

copal  consecration,  in  1467,  througli  the  good  offices  of 
the  Waldenses.  Episcopal  orders  were  the  only  form 
of  ministry  then  known.  Their  validity,  as  secured  by 
the  XJnitas  Fratrum,  the  Eoman  Catholics  and  the 
TJtraquists^never  questioned. 

Four  principles  were  adopted  by  the  members  of  che 
TJnitas  Fratrum  as  the  basis  of  their  union.  (1)  The 
Bible  is  the  only  source  of  Christian  doctrine.  (2)  Public 
worship  is  to  be  conducted  in  accordance  with  Scrip- 
ture teaching  and  on  the  model  of  the  Apostolic  Church. 
(3)  The  Lord's  Supper  is  to  be  received  in  faith,  to  be 
doctrinally  defined  in  the  language  of  Scripture  and  every 
authoritative  human  explanation  of  that  language  is  to 
be  avoided.  (4)  Godly  Christian  life  is  essential  as  an 
evidence  of  saving  faith. 

Gradually,  the  Unitas  Fratrum  attained  to  complete 
organization.  A  well  ordered  polity  was  worked  out. 
The  form  of  government  tended  towards  the  conferential 
type. 

This  church  would  never  have  arisen  if  Hus  had  not 
promulgated  the  principles  which  led  to  its  birth.  What 
he  taught  the  members  of  the  Unitas  Fratrum  reproduced 
in  their  confessions  and  catechisms.  "What  he  preached 
served  their  preachers  as  a  model  and  furnished  material 
for  their  lay-readers.  The  hymns  he  composed  they 
sang  with  deep  devotion,  and  they  developed  further  the 
matter  of  congregational  singing.  The  new  forms  in 
which  he  clothed  his  native  tongue  became  chiefly  their 
heritage  and  inspired  them  to  diversified  literary  activity. 
The  reformation  which  he  began,  they  developed.  The 
witness-spirit  which  he  manifested,  they  upheld.  From 
their  membership  there  were  many  accessions  to  the 
noble  army  of  martyrs.  His  weapons  were  wielded  by 
them,  viz.,  the  two-edged  sword  of  the  Word  and  the 
whole  armour  of  God. 


INFLUENCE  149 

Numerical  increase  of  the  membership  of  the  Unitas 
Fratrum  was  rapid.  When  Luther  appeared,  the  Unitas 
Fratrum  embraced  about  four  hundred  parishes  and  two 
hundred  thousand  members.  Its  activities  were  diversi- 
fied. Ecclesiastical  resources  were  developed  in  various 
directions.  The  native  genius  of  this  Church  continually 
asserted  itself  in  practical  evangelism.  A  thorough 
educational  system  was  developed  to  fight  ignorance,  the 
fruitful  mother  of  sin  and  error.  Theological  seminaries 
were  established.  A  confession  of  faith  was  elaborated. 
Hymn-book,  Bible  and  catechism  were  given  to  the  peo- 
ple. The  Unitas  Fratrum  enjoys  the  distinction  of  hav- 
ing been  the  first  church  ever  to  put  a  hymn-book  into  the 
hands  of  the  people.  The  first  edition  bears  the  date 
1501 .  A  single  copy  of  that  edition  is  preserved  in  the 
library  of  the  modern  University  of  Prague.  This 
Church,  also,  has  the  honour  of  having  been  the  first  to 
translate  the  Bible  into  the  Bohemian  vernacular  from 
the  original  tongues.  This  work  was  a  model  of  idiomatic 
Bohemian  and  remains  a  linguistic  authority  to  the  pres- 
ent day.  Printing  presses,  operated  by  the  Church, 
were  busy  multiplying  copies  of  these  works  and  of 
various  theological  treatises. 

While  building  up  their  own  organization,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Unitas  Fratrum  did  not  neglect  to  cultivate  a 
sincere  spirit  of  fellowship  with  other  evangelical  Chris- 
tians. At  the  beginning  they  found  none  with  whom 
they  might  make  common  cause.  When  Luther  became 
known,  they  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  him  and 
maintained  them  to  the  end  of  his  life.  Even  more  cor- 
dial were  their  relations  with  some  of  the  other  reformers, 
notably  Calvin  and  Bucer.  In  their  intercourse  with 
these  men,  they  benefited  in  the  matter  of  clearer  defini- 
tion of  doctrine  and  taught  them,  in  turn,  important  les- 
sons in  church  discipline.     In  1570,  they  formed  with 


150  JOHN  HUS 

the  LutheraDS  and  Eeformed  of  Poland — for  the  Unitas 
Fratrum  had  been  established  in  that  country — what  may 
be  termed  the  first  evangelical  alliance,  based  on  the 
instrument  of  agreement  known  as  the  Consensus  of  Sen- 
domir. 

^*  Man  proposes,  God  disposes."  From  the  pinnacle  of 
prosperity  the  Unitas  Fratrum  was  plunged,  in  the  in- 
scrutable Providence  of  God,  into  the  depths  of  adversity. 
The  disastrous  counter-reformation,  which  set  in  with  the 
reverses  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  1618-1648,  all  but 
crushed  the  Unitas  Fratrum.  There  was  left  only  the 
Scriptural  *' remnant."  This  from  an  expression  used 
by  John  Amos  Comenius,  famous  educator  and  last  bishop 
of  the  ancient  Unitas  Fratrum,  came  to  be  called  the 
''  Hidden  Seed.'^  The  traditions  of  the  Church  and  the 
means  of  reconstructing  its  peculiar  organization  were 
preserved  fresh  and  sound  in  the  * '  Hidden  Seed, "  ready 
to  germinate,  when  the  proper  time  should  come,  and 
grow  to  a  mighty  tree,  stretching  its  branches  to  the 
uttermost  parts  of  the  earth. 

In  the  event  the  ^*  Hidden  Seed"  was  transplanted  to 
Saxony.  There  Herrnhut  became  the  rallying  place  for 
the  descendants  of  the  members  of  the  Unitas  Fratrum, 
many  of  whom  came  from  Moravia  and  thus  gave  the 
name  Moravian  Church  to  the  modern  Unitas  Fratrum. 
The  ancient  discipline,  handed  down  by  Comenius,  was 
introduced  ;  the  venerable  episcopate  was  received  at  the 
hands  of  the  two  last  survivors  of  a  line  of  seventy  bish- 
ops, extending  from  1467-1735,  and  the  Church  of  the 
Bohemian  and  Moravian  confessors,  concealed  from  hu- 
man eye  for  three  generations,  renewed  its  youth  like  the 
eagle's.  Invigorated  with  an  infusion  of  new  life  from 
the  evangelical  Christianity  of  Germany,  the  Moravian 
Church  was  established,  also,  in  Great  Britain  and  in 
America,  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century. 


INFLUENCE  151 

Foreign  missions  of  this  Church  have  extended  to  every 
continent  and  to  many  of  the  islands  of  the  seas. 

Conclusion,  Thus  the  influences  of  the  life  and  work 
of  Hus  have  persisted.  At  first,  they  seemed  destined  to 
perish  amid  the  confusion  and  complications  of  many 
conflicting  issues.  Eeally,  they  were  gathered  up  and 
absorbed  by  various  parties  and  bodies.  And  there  still 
outlives  all  the  centuries  of  revolution  one  organized  re- 
sult of  the  Bohemian  reformation  and  the  Hussite  move- 
ment in  the  Moravian  Church,  in  which  errors  and  ex- 
travagances have  been  purged  and  true  Christian  excel- 
lences have  been  preserved.  Wherever  the  Moravian 
Church  is  established  there  is  annual  commemoration  of 
July  6th,  the  day  of  the  martyrdom  of  John  Hus. 

This  year,  particular  interest  attaches  to  the  John  Hus 
Memorial  Day,  for  it  will  mark  the  rounding  out  of  a  full 
five  hundred  years  since  the  heroic  martyrdom  of  the  Bo- 
hemian reformer.  The  occasion  will  be  widely  and  gen- 
erally observed,  for  the  life  of  Hus  is  a  part  of  universal 
history  as  truly  as  is  the  life  of  Luther,  of  Calvin,  of 
Zwingli,  of  Cranmer,  of  Wesley.  In  Bohemia  elaborate 
preparations  have  been  made  for  a  dignified  commemora- 
tion of  the  notable  anniversary. 

Well  may  there  be  such  worthy  observance,  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  impulse  to  honour  past  achievement.  The 
memory  of  a  great  and  good  man  should  not  perish.  It 
is  worth  too  much  to  the  living  age  to  be  suffered  to  go 
with  him  to  the  grave.  The  arts  that  are  lost  are 
lamented.  But  it  is  less  a  calamity  to  lose  arts  than  the 
memory  of  large-hearted  and  great-souled  men.  The 
memory  of  Hus's  completed  activity  has  now  blessed  us  a 
full  five  hundred  years.  The  towering  excellence  of  the 
man,  his  unselfish  devotion,  his  large  and  generous  aims, 
his  pure  passion  for  mankind  have  yielded  abundant  in- 


152  JOHN  HUS 

struction  and  inspiration.  The  good  and  the  great  have 
an  immortality  on  earth  that  death  cannot  touch.  Paul 
is  dead.  But  his  voice  is  heard  over  the  graves  of  martyrs ; 
it  penetrates  the  black  night  of  pagan  lands  and  makes 
them  resound  with  salvation.  Luther  is  dead,  but  his 
great  soul  marches  on  in  the  Eeformation.  Calvin  is 
dead,  but  his  hand  has  a  powerful  hold  on  the  intellect, 
the  heart  and  the  conscience  of  the  Christian  world.  Hus 
is  dead,  but  his  spirit  lives  in  the  efforts  of  humanity  to 
emancipate  itself  from  the  chains  of  spiritual  oppression, 
in  the  struggles  of  mankind  for  soul-liberty,  of  which  he 
was  one  of  the  noblest  expounders. 

For  all  Thy  saints,  O  Lord, 

Who  strove  in  Thee  to  live. 
Who  followed  Thee,  obeyed,  adored. 

Our  grateful  hymn  receive. 

For  all  Thy  saints,  O  Lord, 

Accept  our  thankful  cry. 
Who  counted  Thee  their  great  reward. 

And  strove  in  Thee  to  die. 

■-^Hymn  in  the  Memorial  Liturgy  of  the  Moravian  Church 
for  the  Death-Day  of  John  Hus  {July  6, 1413). 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


^. 


